[34a] PART TWO


                                      A detailed and truthful account

                                     of those events and occurrences

                              which took place in the years 1562‑1577,

                                       after the eclipse of the Order,

                    during the reign of Sigismund Augustus II in Livonia,

                           and in the interregnum following his demise.



          The Livonians had now become vassals of the King of Poland in the manner described above in Part One and when one allies oneself with a new sovereign and wishes to avoid offending him, one must give thought and consideration to a number of things, in this instance to the old and new treaties binding the Livonians to the King of Poland, their closest sovereign and Christian neighbor, and especially to that eternal and unconditional alliance against the Muscovite which the legates of the Holy Roman Empire concluded with the King of Poland at Pozvol, as mentioned above, after he broke off his campaign against Livonia. They could, moreover, expect greater and more ready assistance from him, in both winter and summer, by reason of the proximity of the two countries, and thus better insure the defense of their ancestral lands which bordered on Russia.[1]


          Up to now His Majesty had been able to maintain peaceful relations with the raging enemy everywhere except in Livonia, but now he drew the bloody and mighty war away from the Livonians upon his own ancestral lands, as can be seen from the Russian's following declaration of hostilities and from His Majesty's reply.


                                    [34b] A Declaration of Hostilities

                   from the Grand Duke of Moscow to the King of Poland


          We, born Ivan Vasilovich, one of God's ordained governors of His kingdom and mighty emperor of all Russia, of the lands of Moscow, Novgorod (Newgarden), Kazan and Astrakhan, prince and heir, ever ascendant lord and conqueror, master of the province and country of Livonia, hereby declare to you, Sigismund Augustus, present King of Poland, with this our public letter, our displeasure, anger and eternal hostility. Up to now we, and our now departed father during his own lifetime, considered you a good neighbor, something of which you were never deserving. We are much amazed that you dared attempt to seize the worthless and abject country of Livonia, giving no heed to our indescribably great might which will make it impossible for you and your allies to achieve your goal. We now declare that we intend to attack you, Sigismund, and all your allies with all the forces at our disposal, with fire, arrows, sabers and mighty artillery. Nor will you yourself and your vassals be anywhere safe and secure in your own country and thus will you be made aware of our displeasure and anger. We furthermore declare to you with this our letter that we intend to beset all your lands with an invincible army, burning, plundering and devastating. And we will take along with us a coffin and shed blood until I in my might bring it to pass that either my own head or yours shall be placed in it. You and your subjects prepare yourselves accordingly. Proclaimed in our imperial city of Moscow.


                                    [35a] The King of Poland's Reply

                          to the Grand Duke's Declaration of Hostilities


          Sigismund Augustus, King in Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuanians, Russians, Prussians, Masovians, Samogithians, lord and heir of the lands of Smolensk and Livonia, etc. Since you, born Grand Duke of the White and Red Russians, have publicly sent us and our kingdom your declaration of hostilities in which you direly threaten us, renounce all love and friendship from now through all eternity, and do all you can to insure that we will live and act in mutual enmity (all this according to your own letter), we proclaim in reply that we likewise intend to beset your vassals and subjects with fire, arson, artillery and all other weapons and instruments of war and to plunder, devastate and destroy your land. Furthermore, we intend to put you to flight and pursue you relentlessly throughout your entire country. In your declaration of hostilities you proclaimed you would bring a coffin along with you and your mighty assembled army and that you would not cease slaying and shedding blood until either our head or yours was placed in said coffin. In response to that I announce to you that we, along with all the forces at our disposal and the help of God, intend to make our stand at Smolensk where, during the time of our blessed father and your forefathers, almost 300,000 men fought, died and won the battle with the help of God. It is here that we likewise plan to attack, here and along the other borders of your country. And so we call upon you, in the name of your God whose governor you claim to be, to make ready and appear there in person along with your men. There our two sides shall do battle and we will see whom God and Fortune favor. You, your subjects and allies, prepare accordingly. Make ready to defend yourselves against me. [2]


          [35b] Now while the Muscovite was occupied with the King of Poland's lands in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Livonians could have rallied and recovered somewhat had not King Erik of Sweden once again and doubtlessly for the reasons mentioned above made threatening moves, and these even more serious than those he had earlier made against Reval and Padis. This was in spite of the fact that the King of Poland did everything he could, through dispatched delegations and other means, to dissuade King Erik, as a young lord who had only recently ascended the throne, from such undertakings and to move him to more peaceful behavior which would guarantee the security and prosperity of the poor Christians of these regions. But all one saw from King Erik were hostile designs: soon hereafter he invested the city of Pernau with an army around Whitsuntide, bombarded and stormed it, and in June captured it and forced it to surrender. Those people had placed their trust in the armistice and thus they had failed to provide the city with a sufficient garrison or means of defense.[3]


          The following fall he also threatened the castle of Weissenstein which the Muscovite had earlier besieged for several months but where he had broken off the siege after suffering heavy losses. Now, slashing at a fresh wound, as one says, the Swedes bombarded and stormed that castle, but they were unable to achieve anything on account of the brave and bold defenders and so they abandoned the siege. Finally, however, they invested the castle's approaches and cut off the defenders' supplies and starvation forced them to surrender.[4]


          To prevent the Swedish forces from gaining similar success at Sonnenburg on Ösel, the Duke of Courland admitted to that castle a few of Duke Magnus' men who, if need arose, were to announce that they were Danish subjects and thereby dissuade the Swedes from attacking. This was done according to a detailed, written stipulation, the original of which is still extant, that should this no longer be necessary then the persons installed in the castle would be withdrawn without any prejudice to the Duke of Courland or to the lord advocate, Heinrich von Lüninckhausen, surnamed Wulff, who as a former official of the Order also had an interest in the matter.[5] The summary of the above‑mentioned

stipulation reads as follows:


          These measures to meet the emergency shall in no way prejudice or negate the rightful claim of the master and his direct descendants, regardless of any other changes which might occur, to this castle and its district. Rather, we commit ourselves to withdraw our officers and men regardless of whether the above‑mentioned plan gains its desired outcome or not. And all those who are in the castle's garrison, aside from our own men, shall remain subject and bound as before to you, your descendants and to the lord advocate. Thus these measures designed to meet the emergency and agreed to by us both shall in no way whatsoever, now or in the future, result in any prejudice or loss to you or your family. We do this all in good Christian faith, without design or evil intent. We, Magnus, have had our seal affixed to this document. Proclaimed and recorded in Riga, January 29, in the year of our dear Savior Christ, 1562.


                                                                                   (Magnus' own signature)


          As mentioned above, the King of Denmark had been receptive to the exchange of the reorganized diocese of Courland for Sonnenburg when he spoke with the young Achaz von Zehman and also when he wrote a separate letter to the Duke of Courland. He had also dispatched his worthy legates, Dietrich Behr, Sir Gerloff Troll (knight) and Dr. Koppern to Hasenpoten in Courland. The Duke joined them there hoping the exchange could be brought to its desired conclusion.


          [36b] But Duke Magnus, influenced by evil counsellors[6] absolutely refused and so the legates had to break off the negotiations. Yet at this time the King of Poland was planning to send a legate, Sir Heinrich von Dohna,[7] to the Kingdom of Denmark to discuss other more weighty matters, namely, a confederation and alliance against King Erik of Sweden. And so the Danish legates and the Duke of Courland wrote down, recorded and signed an agreement whereby the terms of the transfer were to remain the same in the meanwhile and the matter was to rest until one might determine the outcome of the major negotiations having to do with the confederation. The matter of the diocese and Sonnenburg was a subordinate, dependant issue and might well be settled upon ratification of the alliance.


          Toward fall Duke Johan of Finland, the present King of Sweden, arrived in Kaunas (Cawen) in Lithuania where he was betrothed to Lady Catherine, the sister of His Royal Majesty, Sigismund Augustus, King of Poland. The wedding was then celebrated and consummated in Vilna.[8]


          After the wedding the duke and his illustrious and noble wife, Lady Catherine, born of the royal Polish line, journeyed home[9] by way of Livonia. He was received on the Düna, not far from Riga, by the Duke of Courland, the royal governor and viceroy, and taken to his lodgings. Toward evening and during their long night of love there was such heavy fog that the people on the River Düna moved here and there, back and forth, hopelessly lost and disoriented. This was an evil omen of future troubles for the Duke of Finland and his wife. Then, a few days later during their departure, they became icebound in the Düna and could travel no farther by water. The royal governor had them taken to Pernau [37a] with his own coaches, wagons, horses and other necessary equipment, along with some noblemen of the district. Had the Duke and his wife not departed immediately after their arrival at Pernau, they would have enjoyed the same hospitality from the soldiers of that city which was later extended to the coachmen and drivers and to others even today: they slew a number of them and took the wagons and horses.


          The King of Poland's treasury was at this time so depleted on account of the war[10] that it would have been extremely difficult for him to have given his son‑in‑law, the Duke of Finland, dowry money. Instead the king received several thousand thalers from the duke and then both amounts were combined and the king mortgaged six castles in Livonia to him.[11] As soon as actual possession was transferred, an illicit count[12], Johann von Artz, was appointed governor, administrator and magistrate.


          When von Artz learned what later happened to his lord in Finland at Turku (King Erik besieged and bombarded his brother and his wife in the castle, took them prisoner, brought them to Stockholm, and placed them in lengthy confinement),[13] he seized this opportunity and conspired with the Muscovite, the Grand Duke.[14] If the latter would grant him one of those mortgaged castles, Helmede, as his own hereditary fief, and defend it as such, then he would transfer the other five to him and place them in his hands.


          The Grand Duke did not long delay, but rather dispatched soldiers to implement the plan. While one group of soldiers was allowed to enter Trikaten with the count, the other group was driven off with artillery fire. Thus the would‑be count was taken prisoner by the Germans at Trikaten and brought to the Duke of Courland, the royal governor, in Riga. After a trial was held, he was first punished by being torn with glowing tongs and then he and two or three [37b] of his cohorts were placed on the wheel.[15] Many an upstanding man learned from him how sweet life is, for in order to save and preserve his own he offered to spend the rest of his life bound on an iron chain, lying like a dog outside the stables, subsisting on nothing but bread and water. But such a boon was not granted him.[16]


          Thus did the six mortgaged castles return to the hands and control of the King of Poland and this and other issues connected with them later led to great disputes between the two kingdoms.


          Up to now Livonia offered spoil aplenty for her neighbors. The country was regarded as something derelict and abandoned, a hay stack from which almost everyone plucked or pulled something.[17] It was indeed the apple of Eris[18] and the gold of Toulouse[19] and everyone who tried to seize some of it had almost all their fingers smartly burned. First, almost all the estates of the archdiocese and the Order lost their lands and status as a result of their needless, internal wars. Prussia and Mecklenburg gained nothing when they intervened on behalf of their captive and imprisoned brothers, the blessed lord archbishop and Duke Christopher. The King of Poland lost Polozk, no insignificant part of his ancestral lands.[20] Finland also experienced losses. The extremely destructive Danish, Swedish and Lübeck war, fought at sea and on land, originated in part over Livonia, and especially over Duke Magnus' diocese. Finally even the Muscovite himself had to pay up, having to cede and abandon everything he had held in that country, while also losing many splendid fortresses, lands and subjects in Russia and Korela (Carelen) to which the King of Sweden now rightfully lays claim. In summation, there is no doubt but that if all the above‑mentioned potentates had joined their forces and resources and launched them against the Turk, they would, with God's help, have inflicted a great defeat upon him.


                                               [38a] The year 1563


          On February 15 the Russian conquered the mighty mercantile city of Polozk, just when the Lithuanians least expected it, having gathered at Petrikov for a reichstag with the Poles.[21] That he did not move on Vilna after winning this victory, capture it and ravage across the entire country as he could have done was due to the following hope which they held out to him and which functioned as a ruse. For one must oppose the enemy as one opposes a wolf, either by a direct course or an oblique course.[22] They announced that the estates of the royal Grand Duchy of Lithuania had gathered in Petrikov for the main purpose of electing a successor to the present king, since he was without heirs.[23] They said they would just as soon have the Muscovite or one of his sons be their king and grand duke as anyone else. He believed this and went back to Moscow with his prisoners and mighty spoils.


          When great despondency arose in Livonia on account of the loss and capture of Polozk, several people issued a reassuring statement, saying that one should not be disheartened on that account. That they had merely lost a wooden city which could be retaken just as easily as it had been captured by the Muscovite.[24] Afterwards the King of Poland, Stephen, had occasion to test the truth of that statement: his entire army and the great valor of his soldiers were sorely tested before he was able to recapture the city and castle and bring them under his control.[25]


          At the same time that Polozk was lost the blessed bishop of Riga, Margrave Wilhelm, passed away on February 4, on the Thursday after Candlemas, at five o'clock at night. On August 25 he was interred in the cathedral church in the presence of legates from the King of Poland [38b], the Duke of Prussia, the Duke of Courland, as well as the knights and the estates.[26]


          Later the Lithuanian estates went with their forces to a new fortress they had recently built by the name of Vla. Here they encountered the Muscovite's commander‑in‑chief, Knez Peter Sitski (Susski), a man reputed to be the Grand Duke of Moscow's most worthy and skilled military commander. But they defeated and routed him and his forces in open battle. Sir Nicholas Radzivil, the Duke of Birse, etc., and Lithuanian commander‑in‑chief, an exemplary, intelligent and experienced man, directed the entire campaign with great skill and splendid judgment and with the mighty victory he achieved he far surpassed the above‑mentioned Knez Peter and proved to be his master.[27]


          King Erik was now involved in plans regarding the city of Riga which he hoped to persuade to follow the example of Reval and which he was also preparing to attack. He had already brought his heavy artillery, accompanied by the Frenchman Charles de Morney[28] into the archdiocese, but all this was under the pretext of coming to the assistance of the coadjutor of the archdiocese, Duke Christopher of Mecklenburg, whom he had just recently summoned to Sweden from Germany.[29] But Almighty God brought it about that the King of Poland assembled a mighty army of German horsemen and foot soldiers under the command of Ernst Weyer at Kaunas. These forces were dispatched to Livonia and thus the cooperation and armed readiness of the two illustrious Christian kings of Poland and Denmark presented King Erik with a stumbling block, one which stopped him and impeded his progress.[30]


          His Royal Majesty, along with the Duke of Prussia,[31] the Duke of Courland, and Achaz von Zehman,[32] the palatine of Marienburg, were present in person at the mustering of the German forces at Kaunas.[33] His Royal Majesty there appointed the Duke of Courland commander‑in‑chief. The king also graciously assisted in the negotiations between [39a] him and the old Duke of Prussia regarding his marriage to the Mecklenburg princess, the present Duchess of Courland.[34]


          The above‑mentioned Duke Christopher remained in the splendid fortress of Treiden in his part of the diocese, that around Lemsal, after the withdrawal of the Swedish forces. When he learned of the arrival in Semgallia of the German forces which had been mustered at Kaunas, he not only sent his men to Dolen (Dalen) on the Düna to reconnoiter, but also quickly followed after them himself. He was attacked and besieged at Dolen on July 31 and surrendered to the commander‑in‑chief, the Duke of Courland, three days later. From there he was taken to the castle at Riga and then, at the request and command of the King of Poland, he was turned over to several Lithuanians at the border. From there he was taken to Poland where he was imprisoned for six years.


          On August 7 Swedish forces surprised and captured Karx (Kerckhaus), one of the castles mortgaged to the Duke of Finland. They had also besieged, bombarded and captured Hapsal on July 28.[35]


          At this time the Swedish commander, Ake Bengtsson (Bensen),[36] was in Wiek with his army, bombarding the castle of Lode which belonged to Duke Magnus. And so the Livonian commander‑in‑chief did not delay for long but rather advanced on the above‑mentioned places in Wiek (although he did not do this until the fall), hoping to try his luck against the Swedes. When Ake Bengtsson learned that these unwelcome guests were suddenly descending upon him, he abandoned the siege of Lode and spiked a number of his heavy artillery pieces which he was unable to take with him to Reval. And so the castle of Lode was rescued from the Swedish siege on September 30 and some heavy artillery pieces, "monks," "hounds", and "singers", which the Swedes had been unable to spike, came under the control of the Duke of Courland. It was only with the greatest of difficulty that he was able to transport them over the totally wretched and dreadful road from there to Riga.[37]


          [39b] On October 5 these forces also captured Leal, which the commander‑in‑chief, the Duke of Courland, then turned over to the junkers of Wiek who had been driven from their lands. They did not hold it against the Swedish forces for very long, but were rather captured and taken to Sweden.


          Among the soldiers, and especially the foot soldiers, there was great hunger and deprivation and many of them had to subsist on cabbage stalks, but even so many starved to death and came to the end of their days.


          During the return march the above‑mentioned Heinrich von Dohna was mortally wounded on October 28 by a Pernau musketeer who, along with several others, had concealed himself in a thicket. He died of this wound at Gudeman's Creek, on the last day of October at eleven o'clock at night and was respectfully interred in the cathedral at Riga on December 5.


          The Grand Duke of Moscow had sent a grand delegation to Denmark. This delegation had arrived at Arensburg on Ösel during its return journey. A large number of prominent Russians were sent from Dorpat, Narva and other places to Wiek to join it in order to better insure their own safety. This was at the very time and at almost the very place that the two opposing armies were fighting over the castle of Lode and the heavy artillery.[38]


          Dear God, how must those Russians have delighted in that and the sadistic Grand Duke must have chuckled in Moscow when the two Christian kings of Poland and Sweden, who the Dear God had ordained and appointed the protectors and guardians of His Christians of that area, fought each other to exhaustion. This later allowed him to deal with each in turn, at his own best convenience, sooner and with greater success, and to work his will.


          [40a] After the above‑mentioned Mecklenburg marriage compact had been concluded between the Duke of Prussia and the Duke of Courland at Kaunas, Duke Johann Albrecht[39] went with his wife, sister, and his eldest son to Königsberg and then on to the King at the Polish reichstag to discuss the freeing of his brother, Duke Christopher, and also the succession of his young son Sigismund Augustus[40] to the archbishopric of Riga which had just now become vacant. The discussions regarding the release of Duke Christopher went so well that he would have been freed had not new and unforeseen events intervened to prevent it.[41]


          He achieved similar favorable response to the other point as well, obtaining the archdiocese for his son. He dispatched one of his generals from Mecklenburg with a ship full of provisions and other supplies to Riga in order to stock and secure the castles of the archdiocese. But after this no additional supplies were sent.


                                                    The year 1564


          In the meanwhile the Duke of Prussia sent his trusted legate Friedrich von Kanitz to the Duke of Courland informing him that if he were serious about the maiden from Mecklenburg, then he would have to do something about it, present himself in person at Königsberg, etc. He was reluctant to do so without first knowing more and so, in order to avoid any offense or insult, he sent one of his trusted servants[42] ahead in order to inquire as to the particulars. When the latter found good will on all sides, he sincerely advised his lord to join him, which the Duke did, arriving in Königsberg on March 8. There, praise God, the old, illustrious lord of Prussia and his daughter, the Duchess of Mecklenburg, expedited the agreement between the Duke and the maiden. (Duke Johann Albrecht was still with the king at the reichstag.) Matters having been happily concluded, he left there and returned to Courland.


          When Duke Johann Albrecht, the maiden's brother, returned to Königsberg he was given a complete account of everything.[43] [40b] He was more or less in accord and promised the other lords and his kinsmen support of their actions, all other things remaining equal.


          Nothing else worthy of note took place in 1564[44] except that the Swedish commander, Henrik Klassen (Heinrich Claussen),[45] Knight of Konckas (Kankas), recaptured the castle of Lode after a long siege. This was the same castle which the royal army had earlier rescued from Ake Bengtsson's siege.[46]


          Also a new prophet, or man of God as he called himself, but in reality a rogue at heart and a godless charlatan, a peasant from Ösel, set himself up in the church at Kusal (Kusel), usurping authority over those districts and proclaiming that no longer would Sunday be hallowed, but rather Thursday, since it, above all the other days of the week, had once helped God when He was in distress.[47] And he was very well received by the Estonian peasants. One sees, may God change it, how well the people of these regions, and of the entire country, had been instructed and educated in the Word of God.[48] The following song was sung of them and also of their rulers in general:


                      The Livonian peasant climbs a tree

                      and carves saddle and bridle for his lord.

                      He makes his boots and spurs

                      and he fills his silo with grain.[49]

                      He renders the pastor his due,

                      yet he knows nothing of the Lord God.

                      Dear God, how will they answer for that,

                      those who have profited from the sweat of their brow.

                      Better had they gained nothing at all,

                      for they will be repaid with eternal damnation

                      and roast in Hell with the devil.


          The Margrave of Baden and his wife, the Lady Cecilia, arrived in Reval from Stockholm in December and returned to their country by way of Livonia, Prussia, Pomerania and Mecklenburg.[50]


                                                [41a] The year 1565


          King Erik still had the city and castle of Pernau under his control at this time. But just when his governor there, Andreas Persson, least expected it, several horsemen who had previously served the Duke of Courland and royal governor and magistrate for Poland in Livonia (along with some others whom I will not mention) conferred with him as to how they might turn that fortress over to him and thus expel King Erik's soldiers from it. The duke was receptive to the request from the horsemen and from some others, indeed it was the only proper and fitting thing for him to do, and so he dispatched his horsemen for that purpose, at the agreed upon time and place. They enjoyed complete success on April 29, on the Third Sunday after Easter, at one o'clock in the night preceding Monday. This came about through a careful plan of the above‑mentioned horsemen: they claimed that they were about to depart and so they had organized a farewell party at the house of the man who had the keys to the gate in his keeping. They invited many of the Swedish officers and others as well to the party. Then they took their host's keys which were hanging on his bed and opened the gates to the Courish horsemen. These then took over the city and captured the above‑mentioned governor who was not in the castle, but rather at the manor of Audor (Audern). They sent him first to the Duke of Courland and then to the King of Poland.


          The men in the castle were unable to assist their hard‑pressed comrades in the city with anything except gunfire. The former held the castle for six entire weeks but then, when they realized they could expect no reinforcements since King Erik was involved in a campaign against the King of Denmark, they surrendered on Whitsuneve, June 9, handing over substantial artillery, shot, powder and other materiel necessary to the defense of such a fortress against powerful foes.[51]


          After the capture of the city and castle of Pernau the Germans in Dorpat were taken away to Moscow, as had also been done earlier. The Russians [41b] were afraid that the Germans in Dorpat would do the same thing to them that they, the Germans, had done to the Swedes at Pernau.[52]


          That same summer the Duke went in person to Pernau and again launched his forces against the Swedes: four squadrons of horsemen and a few foot soldiers. There were several sharp skirmishes and the horsemen gave a good account of themselves, but they lost their commander, Casper von Oldenbockem. He was unexpectedly struck by a stray shot and died and was buried in Pernau. The horsemen then disbanded and dispersed here and there, like sheep gone astray when the shepherd is slain.[53]


          The following fall the Duke of Courland again went to the king, going first to Wolkonick in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and then on to Vilna. He discussed weighty matters with him[54] and the latter returned Pernau to him as its appropriate lord and governor. He also gave him the new ducal seal and bestowed great honor and favor upon him.


                                                    The year 1566


          It was explained above how the Duke of Courland left Königsberg, having brought his marriage plans to a happy conclusion. Several of the maiden's closest blood relatives and kinsmen, her mother, brothers and others, were strongly opposed and did not wish to allow the marriage to take place in light of the incredibly great danger which the Muscovite and Sweden posed for the country. The illustrious old Duke of Prussia, as the one who had made the promises to the Duke of Courland, did everything he could to expedite and settle the matter. He appealed to the King of Poland for assistance and the latter sent one of his own emissaries, Sützlow von Messeluntz, along with the duke's own legates, to the two princely and electoral houses of Brandenburg and Mecklenburg on behalf of the Duke of Courland to discuss the matter of the maiden and to urge their acceptance of the marriage. [42a] They promised that if the King of Poland's advice were followed then His Majesty would accept the maiden as his own daughter and would love and honor her as such. This royal promise made to the Duke of Courland and to the affected relatives and kinsmen, as well as the maiden's own unwavering determination, brought about a consent and agreement.[55]


          Thereupon commissioners from both Prussia and Mecklenburg, Johann Heut, captain of Rastenburg, Baltzer Gantz, chief secretary, Werner Hän and Dr. Laurentz Kirchoff, were sent to Courland where they and the Courish officials[56] inspected the properties which were to become the bride's own and concluded arrangements for their transfer.[57]


          Although it had been decided that the royal wedding was to take place in Königsberg on Shrove‑Tuesday of 1566, and although all the guests had been invited for that date, the groom was unable to appear then since he, as governor of Livonia, had first to drive away the Swedish forces which were once again threatening Pernau and thus insure the security of those districts. It was not until March 11, the Monday after the Second Sunday in Lent, at two o'clock in the afternoon that he arrived in Königsberg. This had caused great discomfort for the old lord[58] since he had been burdened for fourteen days with the visiting guests, along with all their prominent lords, knights and noblemen.


          The King of Poland had also sent his illustrious legate, Sir Jan Kostka (Johann Kosska), the captain of Marienburg.[59] But the latter learned that the Duke of Courland would be unable to arrive on either Quinquagesima Sunday or the following Sunday, the First Sunday in Lent, on account of the Swedish attack on Pernau. As a Catholic he was also uncomfortable participating in a wedding celebration during Lent, an inappropriate time. And so he took his leave and departed, though praising the Duke of Courland for placing the common good before his own interests. Let the public safety be the supreme law.[60]


          [42b] In spite of all this the royal wedding was celebrated in God's Name and after the completion of the festivities, which lasted a full fourteen days, the Duke of Courland and his wife were escorted as far as Memel by Duke Johann Albrecht, his wife, and Duke Franz of Saxony.[61] They rested, bade each other farewell and then sadly took leave of one another. The latter returned to Königsberg[62] while the former went to Goldingen in Courland where they were formally acknowledged as the land's resident sovereigns in the presence of Duke Magnus of Holstein,[63] the legates from Prussia and Mecklenburg, i.e., Abraham von Dohna, Friedrich von Aulaken, Joachim Rohr, and Melchior von der Lühe, as well as by the knights and noblemen of Courland.


          As mentioned above, the Duke of Courland was the country's royal governor, but he did not permanently reside among the people of Transdüna governing their affairs, for he neither could nor wished to neglect his own interests in the Duchy. The people of Transdüna sent some from among their number to His Royal Majesty to respectfully request an administrator who knew the German language and who would permanently reside among them in their country. They recommended to His Majesty the lord starost of Samogitia (Samaiten), Jan Chodkiewicz.[64] But what had become of the stipulation in their own rights and privileges that they were always to be governed and administered by a native German? Self‑interests usually overturn the kingdom.[65]


          His Majesty, who had no desire to institute this radical change, was not at all receptive to their request, but rather cautioned and admonished them in most gracious and fatherly fashion to well consider what they were doing and to think this most weighty matter over for several days. All this was in vain and so His Majesty responded to them and finally agreed to that which they had asked: he proclaimed and confirmed the lord Chodkiewicz the Livonian administrator of the royal principality of Transdüna and also appointed four castellans on the Prussian model. [43a] To a consenting party let it not be an injury and the outcome judges deeds.[66]


          After the confirmation of the new administrator His Majesty is said to have wished him well, saying "Lord administrator, I hope that you will not rule and conduct yourself in the same way that another man ruled in Pomerania countless years ago in the time of our ancestors. He reigned in such a way that that land was almost entirely lost to the crown."[67] He replied, saying "No, gracious King, that man was called Jacob[68] and my name is John." It was his fashion to answer on the spur of the moment, without much thought. ("The Lord was submitting, but each of Zebedee's sons...")[69] These two men were as alike as two brothers and as the two sons of Zebedee.


          As a result of all this the administrator entered Livonia in great pomp and at Kokenhausen the Duke of Courland, acting on orders of the king, placed the estates under his authority and thus he assumed the administration. Although this change caused the duke very serious concerns, he nonetheless would rather tolerate this injury, thinking that nothing is so bad but that some good comes of it, than see the country spoiled through neglect and abandoned under his governance. But later, during said administration, this is just what did happen when all of the archdiocese and the principality of Transdüna came under the control of the Muscovite, as will be related later in its proper place.


          Although many fine, upstanding Livonians had no part in this, the above‑mentioned legates attempted to lend their request more credence and respectability before the king and the Lithuanian senate and so they proclaimed to the king and the estates many preposterous and unfounded things, things which they themselves knew were contrary to the clear and pure truth, as one of them later admitted and confessed. They asserted that the people of the archdiocese [43b] were abused and scorned by the men of the Order in violation of their ancient freedoms, sovereignty, law and custom, and that they were excluded from all general counsels; that the men of the Order exerted sole control over their castles, districts, lands and subjects, had heavily burdened them with debt,[70] and had used these large sums of money to their own ends. Like jackdaws, they asserted, neither had they spared the possessions of the cathedral chapter or of the Holy Church, for when the people of Riga refused to tolerate the Catholic Church in their city, they illegally confiscated that church, as well as the bishop's palace, the buildings of the cathedral chapter and whatever else belonged to the church in and around the city.[71] They also said that a number of foreign lords were going around Prussia plotting all manner of harmful schemes against the districts of Livonia and that to carry out these schemes Paul Wobbeser was to bring a thousand German horsemen into Livonia under the pretext of providing defense for the benefit of the country, and that the duke's entire government lent much assistance and cooperation to such schemes because of his ties to those foreigners by reason of proximity and marriage. They further asserted that the duke's entire government was in such accord with the above action that it not only divested the estates of the archdiocese of all their ancient and inherited freedom of election, sovereignty, privileges, castles and districts after they had lost their old lord and archbishop when he died, but that it also intended to remove the entire country from the control of the King of Poland and make it subject to a foreign lord. But such notions never entered the duke's heart, rather, until the end of his life and his departure from this world he showed himself to be of a very different frame of mind, as will be demonstrated below in detail.[72]


          Whatever possessions, lands and subjects of the archdiocese he mortgaged, he did in order to mollify the soldiers and to save the country from further setbacks and he did this not out of his own volition, but with the authority which the king had graciously bestowed upon him and in compliance with his commands. This was in accord with a special document conferring such power upon him, issued over the king's own signature and seal. The abstract of that document reads as follows:


          [44a] Meanwhile may your lordship, as he has done up to this point, diligently apply himself to his duty and may he both retain his people in the faith and excite them to good hope, in order that they may guard their safety and their liberty according to their powers. And inasmuch as the danger in which they are involved is so close at hand that money cannot be sent from here by us to repel it in time, we therefore permit your lordship that he himself in the meantime in our name obtain money by mortgaging any castle, of those under our jurisdiction (if it cannot be done otherwise). We moreover pledge that we shall guarantee everything, which on this account your lordship has pledged on our behalf. Nor do we doubt that this desire of ours will be pleasing to the province itself, because truly we shall not omit to increase it at the first moment, if we see that this desire is also received and abetted with the alacrity and promptness of minds of those provincials.


          [44b] Paul Wobbeser's assembling a thousand horsemen had a purpose and aim quite different from that claimed by the legates from the archdiocese and that action had been initiated not so much by the duke as by his men and counsellors who had entered into discussions with the Prussian legates who, as mentioned above, had been assigned to escort the Duke of Courland back home. The discussions centered on the great danger posed to Livonia by the two enemies, King Erik of Sweden and the Grand Duke of Moscow. These parties had discussed whether it might not be advisable to dispatch said horsemen to the aid of the country, as had been done earlier during the time of the Order, and to employ them there, with Prussia providing for their pay and maintenance for a while. This was the only purpose for which the thousand horsemen had been assembled in Prussia. At some future time, after the country had recovered and was at peace, the Prussians might then look for similar aid and assistance should the need arise.[73] The legates agreed to take this under consideration and to diligently present it to the proper authorities. And something most beneficial to the countries would have resulted from this had not the legates from the archdiocese presented the matter in a totally different light to the king and the Lithuanian estates, as mentioned above, and brought the Duke of Courland under considerable suspicion on this account.[74]


          In order to learn the hard facts of this matter, among others, the Polish commissioners closely questioned Funcke, Horst and Schnelle at Königsberg, asking them what they knew of the Duke of Courland and of whether he was part of any scheme or action disloyal to the king. They answered with one and the same voice proclaiming his innocence and saying that never in their entire lives had they ever known or suspected him of doing anything contrary to his fealty, honor, duty or responsibility.[75]

          In regard to the mortgaged district of Grobin, the duke asked at his wedding that it be given to him and his wife so that he might once again control it, no insignificant district in Courland. [45a] The old duke, acting as a kindly father‑in‑law and neighbor, granted it to him, requiring only that he repay the actual principal of the loan, 50,000 gulden, but releasing him from all the other burdensome provisions which had been incorporated into the mortgage agreement. After paying the money he resumed control of his castle and district of Grobin.[76]


          When the duke learned of the accusations against him, he took the above‑mentioned Paul Wobbeser prisoner after he had left Prussia, arrived in the country at Windau, and was about to travel over the sea to Ösel. He turned him over to the lord administrator Jan Chodkiewicz as representative of the king, something which he would not have done had he been guilty of any plots. And so he somewhat absolved himself of suspicion and remained in the good graces of the king which he had previously enjoyed.[77] Let one be circumspect in his own actions and he need then fear no lies.


          One also accused him of having failed to inform the administrator of a proclamation the people of Transdüna made, saying that they should place themselves under the sovereignty of the above‑mentioned King Magnus, since he was a German prince and since King Stephen was sorely burdened by the Danzig war and there was nowhere else to turn for assistance. The duke had nothing at all to do with the people of Transdüna and their proclamation, but rather admonished them to remain true to their honor, fealty and obligations. Nor did he conceal or hide this from the king. Just as the blessed lord archbishop was loath to let himself be ruled by a royal governor, even so did the Duke of Courland refuse to let himself be governed by an administrator. We have no king but Caesar and no lord aside from the king.[78] One king, one God. Furthermore, he also informed the king of the plans regarding a switch in allegiances which King Magnus was pursuing through Schraffer. Thereupon [45b] the duke's counsellor and his captain, Jürgen Fircks (Virxs),[79] were sent to King Magnus, with His Majesty's prior consent and knowledge, to admonish him to bring along with him substantial cities, castles and districts appropriate to his suit, if it was indeed his intent to come over to the side of Poland.


          Equally groundless was the charge that the duke conspired with the city of Riga to take the captain of Dünamünde prisoner on the Düna. The duke, moved by the country's direst peril and the onslaught of the Muscovite, asked nothing more of him than that they might confer and take counsel on how Dünamünde, a totally defenseless castle, might be better secured and, with God's help, thus denied the enemy. The people of Riga offered soldiers, provisions and other materiel for this purpose, with the understanding, however, that their forces were to retain allegiance to the city. This was unacceptable to the captain and he absolutely refused to agree. Whereupon they took him prisoner on the Düna, but without any prior knowledge, consent or deed on the part of the duke. Better had they desisted, for then neither they nor the others with them would have come under suspicion and distrust. "Even with the best of intentions, things often go awry."[80] This is what happened to the duke here and in many other undertakings when he acted with the most upright, honorable and loyal of motives.


          Finally, the present royal starost at Riga, Thomas von Embden,[81] after hearing the duke's concerns about plans to release the captain, offered to enlist everything he had and whatever he could borrow in the defense of that castle. He said that he would come to the castle in person with fifty soldiers and do everything expected of an honorable man. For this and other actions on his part he received a special commendation from the royal estates. The captain was amenable to this suggestion but then, when the enemy turned from Kokenhausen toward Wenden, he changed his mind. All of those who sought to slander the duke came to naught. And the truth conquers, finally the good cause triumphs.[82] The other accusations made regarding injuries allegedly inflicted upon them by the men of the Order [46a] are not worthy of refutation. If one lets children have their way, they will not cry. Because of the particular nature of some of these statements I have not passed them over in silence in this section.


          This same winter the Swedes were unable to achieve success against Pernau because of the arrival of the Polish forces and so they left that place and went to Ösel where they plundered Arensburg and made off with great spoils, most of which, however, were recaptured from them by the Poles.[83]


                                                    The year 1567


          Claus Kurssel,[84] a Livonian nobleman and the Swedish field commander, advanced into the archdiocese of Riga with his army in winter, surprised and slew many Poles, put the little town of Lemsal (Lembsel) to the torch, and departed with great spoils. Sir Nicholas Talwosc (Tolwasch),[85] the Lithuanian field commander, however, intended to avenge this defeat and so he closely pursued the Swedes, among whom were Sir Henrik Klassen, governor, and Claus Kurssel, field commander. The two armies engaged each other near the mill of Runafer in Wiek. The Poles held the field and won the battle, then withdrew in great triumph with prisoners, among whom was the cavalry master Johann Maydel von der Wollust,[86] and captured battle flags. The heavy snow had caused the Swedish foot soldiers much difficulty and heavy losses for they could neither advance nor retreat. The Swedes lost 2,000 men in this battle and the Poles not a few themselves. This took place on February 3 of the above‑mentioned year.[87]


          This same summer around Whitsuntide Sir Jan Chodkiewicz, the starost of Samogitia and Livonian administrator, entered the country with a number of soldiers. He conducted all manner of discussions with the city of Riga regarding how they might, with certain stipulations and reservations, place themselves under the sovereignty of the King of Poland (although neither the Poles nor the Lithuanians had anything to gain from this), but he was unable at that time to persuade them. [46b] Rather, the Duke of Courland intervened and adroitly set matters right so that Chodkiewicz withdrew, unable to achieve the confusion and corruption of the poor people.[88]


          Shortly afterwards the Duke of Courland went once again to the King of Poland to discuss weighty matters. This time he went to Rodischoff in White Russia where the king himself was mustering and reviewing the army of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the field. It was truly a remarkable and splendid mounted army and a number of experienced people said it was one worthy of a Roman emperor. The number of horsemen was estimated at over 60,000, not counting the foot soldiers assigned to the artillery. A Danish legate witnessed all this, and he not only marvelled in silence, but also asked out loud how such a large and well equipped army could be raised from such an undeveloped country as Lithuania.


          The main reason for this muster and assembly was to give support and encouragement to a number of prominent lords in Moscow, and in particular to some of the Grand Duke's[89] closest blood relatives and kinsmen, who had (so it was said) agreed among themselves to desert the Grand Duke because of his dreadful tyranny and to go over to the King of Poland. Unfortunately the plan misfired when one of the conspirators (it was said to have been the Grand Duke's half‑brother) betrayed and revealed the plan.[90] The Grand Duke, who had already been a dreadful monster, became even more ruthless, like the pharaoh of Egypt, and used his oprichniki[91] to kill, slay, and totally eradicate and destroy all those conspirators, along with their entire lines and families, their wives, children, retainers, cattle, dogs, cats, indeed even the fish in their ponds, and everything they had, so that all memory and knowledge of them virtually vanished from the face of the earth.


          [47a] Here I must not neglect to mention a remarkable event and atrocity of the Grand Duke which was told by the blessed lord palatine of Vilna and Duke of Birse[92] when he and Duke Magnus were visiting the Duke of Courland at Bauske, as will be described later. He told how two brothers who had been dispatched, along with many others, to carry out the above‑mentioned executions and total decimations, came upon a beautiful dear infant lying in its cradle. It laughed at them and gestured in such a sweet and loveable way that they could not bring themselves to lay hands on the child and kill it as their orders called for. The two brothers took counsel and agreed that they should spare the child and entrust it to their sister,[93] swearing her to absolute secrecy. And this is what they did.


          Later, however, when the dispatched executioners, the oprichniki, returned to Moscow to give their lord a full account of their deeds, the two brothers became very fearful and anxious, afraid that what they had done with the child might come out, thus costing them their lives. And so they summoned up their courage and decided to reveal the entire affair to the Grand Duke and to ask him to be merciful and spare their lives.


          The Grand Duke, like sly old Reynard the Fox, acted as though he felt compassion and as though he thought they had acted properly. Like King Herod he asked to see the child that he might adore it and when it was brought to him he took it into his arms and cuddled, kissed, and played with it. The two brothers were overjoyed and were convinced that they had acted properly in saving the child.


          This is the custom and way of many Russians: whenever they present a friendly facade, whether it be through communiques, delegations or otherwise, then something dangerous will soon follow. On the other hand, when they snort, rage and threaten, one need have no fear. [47b] It is just like the normal behavior among the apes and the panthers, for when the apes flee the latter and seek safe refuge in the trees, etc., the panthers lie down under the trees, sprawl out on the ground, hold their breath and play dead. Then the apes come down from the trees, rejoice, celebrate their triumph, and are torn to pieces, since the enemy is not utterly defeated before the victory.[94] Livonia too has often learned the painful truth of this.


          But before the two brothers knew what was happening, the Grand Duke seized a knife unnoticed and stabbed the child three times in its heart. It immediately gave up its little soul, collapsed, and was thrown out the window by the Grand Duke himself and while he watched, the bears and dogs tore it apart and devoured it. He also had the two brothers immediately struck down with sabers and slain. Truly a remarkable tale, one worthy of note along with all the multitude of other accounts of his dreadful and inhuman atrocities. It is said that one member of that same family and line escaped the Grand Duke and is at the present time in Lithuania.[95]


          Duke Magnus of Holstein had had an audience with the king in this year at Grodna in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.[96] Then he had been directed to go to Vilna where he and his men stayed and were lavishly entertained until such a time as the king could settle his above‑mentioned undertakings in the field and absent himself. The duke's suit for a maiden, now the Queen of Poland,[97] would not have been by any means ill‑received, if only said suit had been conducted in proper fashion and discussed beforehand with several parties and not accompanied by the defiant threats of the Muscovite and his blood kinswoman, whom Magnus subsequently married. They demanded that the Principality of Transdüna be given as the bride's dowry, since both were the children of kings. But nothing more came of it at this time.[98]


                                               [48a] The year 1568


          All manner of changes came about in the Kingdom of Sweden as a result of King Erik's and Duke Magnus of Saxony, Engern and Westphalia's[99] weddings, which were held at the same time. Soon afterwards King Erik's brothers, Duke Johan and Duke Karl besieged Stockholm.[100] The king turned over and delivered Jöran Persson to them hoping that this would bring about peace. But this did not come about. Rather he had to surrender himself to his brother Duke Karl and request royal detention. Jöran Persson had thought heaven itself would sooner fall than would his king, much less that the latter would so abandon him and deliver him into the hands of the enemy. It is safer and preferable to place trust in God alone than to entrust oneself to a thousand princes.[101]


          Finally he received his proper due and was racked on four wheels.


          Sir Sten Eriksson (Stein Erichsen),[102] the two dukes' maternal uncle, an esteemed, intelligent and prominent imperial counsellor, was treacherously stabbed to death and slain by a footman during the surrender of the city when the uproar in Stockholm was at a peak.


          After King Erik was imprisoned, the Imperial Council elected and confirmed Duke Johan as the new king. He was then later crowned at Uppsala.[103]


          This same summer, around St.James Day,[104] Swedish warships drove off several pirates from Danzig and chased them back to Danzig Bay. Claus Kurssel then sailed with these same ships to Sonnenburg on Ösel and that castle was surrendered by Reinhold Zögen (Soigen), a canon from Hapsal. And so a number of the men on Ösel, along with the castles in their charge, allied themselves first with one lord and then with another, making free and playing with their oaths, duties and responsibilities, just like children playing at their games.[105]


          [48b] A new governor, Sir Gabriel Kristiernsson (Christiernsen),[106] Knight of Mörby, arrived in Reval and the former governor, Sir Henrik Klassen, readily and voluntarily ceded and yielded the city and turned the fortress over to him in spite of the fact that he was not trusted since he had always enjoyed the great favor of King Erik and also because just a short time before he had sent Nils Dobbeler (Niels Dobler), a cunning and wily fellow, to take the castle of Reval by surprise. Afterwards, too, Sir Gabriel Kristiernsson showed himself a master of such tactics when he retook the castle of Reval from Claus Kurssel through an especially clever stratagem, as will be described later.


          After these changes took place in Sweden, the King of Poland sent legates, Sir Erasmus Dembinsky, the canon of Cracow, and Iustus Claudius the elder, the royal secretary, to that kingdom to convey his best wishes to the king and queen on the occasion of their assuming rule and to express, as a father‑in‑law, his complete and fraternal devotion and friendship.[107]


                                                    The year 1569


          Johann Taube and Elert Kruse, two prominent noblemen from the archdiocese of Riga and Dorpat, had been taken prisoner on the field of battle by the Muscovite quite some time previously.[108] They were taken to Moscow and treated most harshly in prison for a long while. But then they were released and found such favor with the Muscovite that he granted them freedom and license to serve and sell mead and brandy, something none of the other boyars in Moscow were allowed to do.[109] They were also granted the title of baron. I myself heard this and other matters from their own mouths in the banquet hall of the Duke of Courland.[110] Later they were also able to get the King of Poland, Sigismund Augustus, to recognize their status as free barons and to reaffirm the privileges of their baronial rank.[111]


          When these barons learned of the above‑mentioned state of affairs [49a] in Sweden,[112] they hoped to fulfill the promises they had made the Muscovite in regard to Livonia. They established contact with the people of Reval to see if they could not convince them to renounce allegiance to Sweden and place themselves under the sovereignty of the Muscovite, since their former master, King Erik, had been deposed and was now a prisoner in Sweden.[113] To this end they employed all manner of schemes, thus imperiling their souls and hope of salvation. They were, however, unable to achieve anything.[114] Rather, the people of Reval countered by citing, among other things, the example of the Lithuanian lord Mikhail Glinsky (Micheal Lyntzky) to whom the Grand Duke Basil had solemnly promised the principality of Smolensk. The lord never received it but was rather thrown into prison for the rest of his life where he perished and died.[115]


          They also used every conceivable means, everything they could possibly think of, to win over the Duke of Courland, offering him all of Livonia, just as it was later offered to Duke Magnus, which episode we will relate shortly.[116] They hoped to deceive him with these grand promises and lead him into the snares of the Muscovite. But the duke, who was well acquainted with the ploys and tricks of the Muscovite, was unmoved. Rather, he sent these written and most grand offers to the King of Poland and did not dignify these schemes with a reply, no answer being an answer in effect. He, as well as others, could have become King of Livonia,[117] and much earlier at that, but he never asked for such an honor, much preferring to leave it to one other than himself.


          A reichstag was held in Lublin this year to conclude the union of Poland and Lithuania.[118] The royal estates also accepted and confirmed the Duke of Courland as a member of the realm and feudal prince on the pattern of the dukes of Prussia with ducal immunities, freedoms, privileges, etc.,[119] as had been agreed upon previously at Vilna.


          [49b] This incorporation of the Duchy of Courland and Semgallia into the Kingdom of Poland reads as follows:


          To these, i.e., the estates of Courland we in turn pledge defense by us and our kingdom and confirmation of all privileges, liberties, and immunities, granted by us to the same (such grants, nevertheless, not being opposed to the liberties of the kingdom) and we promise that these privileges, immunities, and liberties we are then going to renew, confirm, and redact into a fuller form when their lordship has guaranteed the homage owed to us and our kingdom, etc.[120]


          The provisions of this third part were later fulfilled when the duke received his fiefdom from King Stephen at the royal encampment at Dissena. At the beginning, the estates in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania welcomed the arrangements whereby Livonia would be subject to Poland. They also did everything they could to see if Livonia might not be incorporated directly into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania rather than into Poland itself, since the greatest burdens and dangers of war against the Muscovite would fall upon them as Livonia's neighbor, Livonia itself having no forces of her own readily available at the time. The lord archbishop, Margrave Wilhelm, was not to be dissuaded, even though his brother, the Duke of Prussia, appealed to him through his legates, Dr. Jonas and Friedrich von Aulaken, as did the king himself, arguing that the Lithuanians would be unable to survive and defend themselves against the great might of the Muscovite without Polish assistance, as had been sadly apparent in the case of the attempt on the fortress and mercantile city of Polozk, etc. It was agreed that Poland would not immediately annex Livonia. Rather, should Lithuania at any time in the future alone fight for that land and protect it against the mighty and dreadful foe, then in that case Livonia would become perpetually attached and subject to Lithuania. This is explained in the words of the subjection agreement as follows:


           [50a] If indeed contrary to our hope the estates of the kingdom of Poland do not wish to agree to the subjection and thus, with powers joined, to defend Livonia, according as the forenamed conditions stipulate, but Livonia will have been defended by the nobles of Lithuania alone in the prescribed manner, both then and now let it be considered to be attached to this grand duchy of Lithuania and united to it.


          There is a proverb that says one tends to disregard fences when one has a good neighbor and that a nearby neighbor is always better than a distant friend, for the former is near at hand and quick to help when danger threatens, say when his neighbor's house is on fire, whereas the latter cannot arrive until it is already too late.[121] It is similar to the tale of the two snakes which the Turk is said to have told the Polish legate

Sir Jan Lanski (Johann de Lasco).[122] One snake has one head and many bodies whereas the other has one body but many heads. When both of them are in a thorn bush which catches fire, the snake with the one head and many bodies can easily save itself and escape the danger. But the other, the one with many heads and one body, first acts rashly and then must stop so that the many heads may come together to confer and discuss how to escape the danger. We Livonians have often experienced the same thing in our dealings with the Muscovite. He is like the snake with one head and many bodies when he launches his campaigns. The Livonians, with many heads and one body, first hold landtage and herrentage and then bring word of the impending calamity to Augsburg, Brussels, etc., as well as to Cracow, Warsaw, etc. I myself, as an humble legate to Vienna in Austria and to other courts of electors and princes, have seen how little or nothing is offered aside from intense, Christian sympathy.[123]


          At this same reichstag Duke Christopher of Mecklenburg was freed from detention and [50a] allowed to return to Germany after resigning the archbishopric.[124]


                                                    The year 1570


          On January 7 the castle of Reval once again unexpectedly changed hands:[125] the commander Claus Kurssel, his cavalry masters, officers and horsemen, surprised the castle and seized it from the governor, Gabriel Christiernsen. They took him prisoner and brought him down into the city along with his wife and children. They explained their actions on the basis of the delinquent pay which had been promised them for so long but never delivered. An armistice was concluded between them and the governor which was to last until Whitsunday: they would hold the castle as security toward payment and as soon as they were paid they would no longer keep the castle from the King of Sweden, but rather turn it over immediately.


          During this same time Duke Magnus once again greatly exerted himself, sending letters and legates, to see if he might not be able to make use of the then current situation and state of affairs in gaining the city and castle.[126] But the people of Reval saw through his schemes and gave them no more credence than they had earlier given those of the Muscovite's decoy‑birds Taube and Kruse. He did, however, send legates to Claus Kurssel who graciously received and entertained them and it was agreed that Duke Magnus would send him, commander Kurssel, two hundred foot soldiers from Arensburg. This greatly aroused the suspicions of the Swedes and so they showed bravery and courage and did all they could to regain control of the castle before the two hundred soldiers arrived from Arensburg. They captured the castle on the evening of Good Friday, using a special stratagem[127] which took the men in the castle completely by surprise since they were confident that the truce would last until Whitsunday. Nils Dobbeler and several rogues in the castle did their jobs well. The latter were bribed with money and thus persuaded to betray the others. Commander Kurssel and his men were taken prisoner during the night and [51a] the Swedes thus regained control of the mighty, royal castle, By the same arts by which something is acquired by the same arts also in turn is it lost.[128]


          The following May Claus Kurssel was tried at the castle on capital charges and sentenced to death along with three of his cohorts.[129]


          Now that Taube and Kruse, acting in the name of the Grand Duke and as his representatives, were unable to persuade the Duke of Courland with their great promises and generous offers, they went with these mountains of gold to Duke Magnus, who received them most eagerly,[130] in spite of the fact that the Duke of Courland, acting as a good neighbor and concerned in‑law, had sent legates to him on Ösel most earnestly advising him and warning him not to trust the bloodthirsty tyrant, for no one had ever fared well who had allied himself with that tyrant hoping to find refuge and safe haven with him. One should recall what he and his predecessors had done repeatedly to their own people, people of their own language, customs, ancestry, race and name, in particular to the people of Novgorod whom they expelled from that city,[131] in spite of all their promises and assurances, and forced to resettle many miles beyond Moscow, making them build them a new castle and city which is still today known as Sklavenburg or Kloppigrod, the stronghold of slaves.[132] Then Novgorod was settled with barbarous, dreadful Muscovites.

          These friendly and neighborly appeals and admonitions were received contemptuously and the legates were dismissed, being told in rude fashion that one should not be too curious about another country's affairs, nor should one lend his sickle to another man's harvest.[133] Moved by the impassioned and insistent pleas and entreaties of the junkers, women and maidens who had been displaced and driven off their lands and who swore by all that was holy that in the case of the Muscovite everything that glittered was gold, Duke Magnus departed [51b] in Lent and arrived in Dorpat on Maundy‑Thursday. On Whitsunday he travelled to Moscow where he was solemnly received, splendidly entertained and proclaimed King of Livonia.[134] "But a grand title and little wealth is but an empty joy." Even so, his counsellors, both ecclesiastical and secular, profited from this and returned with all manner of splendid gifts, in particular furs.


          At this time the Muscovite also released to Duke Magnus many Germans who had been taken prisoner and led out of the country.[135] In doing this he merely hoped to better bring more of them into his snares and capture them. The pipe sounds sweetly, while the fowler is decoying the bird.[136]


          Duke Magnus, well provided and greatly honored as the Grand Duke's vassal and liegeman, returned with his men to Livonia and in August he lay siege to the city of Reval with several thousand Russians, not counting the Germans who had flocked to him in droves, like flies.[137]


          During this same time the castle of Weissenstein was besieged by several thousand Russians and Germans, acting in concert like sworn brothers.


          On St.Lucy's Day[138] negotiations conducted by the Holy Roman Emperor, the King of France, the King of Poland and the Elector of Saxony resulted in a peace agreement between Denmark and Sweden.[139] According to the agreement the Holy Roman Empire would expressly acknowledge and entrust into the protective custody of Denmark and Sweden whatever lands of the dioceses or Order each controlled in Livonia. The same provision applied to the sovereigns of Poland, Prussia and Courland.[140]


          King Magnus and his assigned war commissioners, Taube and Kruse, as well as other counsellors, piped a sweet and charming tune during the entire period of the siege, [52a] but the people of Reval had no desire to dance to it.[141] Rather they defended their city with daily sallies and skirmishes and conducted themselves in a fashion well befitting fine, honorable men. Like the Romans, they were willing to spill their blood for the good of their nation. For this reason and since the siege was not progressing according to plan, the "kingdom" fell into disarray and the "king" used Taube and Kruse to extol himself in the hopes of achieving some success.


                                                    The year 1571


          And so the Russians had to abandon this long siege of the city of Reval, as well as that of the castle of Weissenstein, both of which had lasted almost thirty entire weeks and on March 16 they put their encampments to the torch and withdrew in defeat and disgrace.[142] Some of them crossed over the ice and invaded Livonia, inflicting indescribably great damage and suffering upon that country. They pillaged, slew, burned and led several thousand people away into captivity in Muscovy and Tatary.[143]


          Also in this year, on May 24, Ascension Day, there was a stupendous conflagration in Moscow, started by the Tatar, in which 40,000 palaces, houses, churches, hospitals and warehouses were burned and as many as 20,000 people, young and old, died from smoke and flame. This paid the Muscovite back in part and punished him for what he had inflicted upon poor Livonia. This fire has been described by others in detail and at length and the reader is referred to them.[144]


          After the withdrawal from Reval King Magnus and his men stayed for a while at Oberpahlen, but since a kingdom[145] such as this was unable to furnish provisions and other essentials for such a large number of soldiers for very long (the kitchens and cellars were inadequate to the task),[146] these horsemen were billeted here and there among the poor peasants of the parishes and districts. By a fall of the lot the diocese of Dorpat was assigned to the two cavalry masters Reinhold von Rosen and Hans von Zeiz.[147] [52b] They and their horsemen were to remain billeted there until further ordered.


          Unbeknownst to Zeiz, Taube and Kruse reached a most secret agreement with Rosen to wrest the city and the entire district from the hands of their lord, the Grand Duke of Moscow.[148] This then would be their way of showing their proper gratitude for all the various great favors and kindnesses he had shown them! Thus reads the solemn oath they had sworn to the Grand Duke:


           To the most illustrious, invincible, almighty prince and lord Ivan Vasilievich, lord of all the Russians of Vologda (Wolladimarsch), Moscow and Novgorod; emperor of Kazan; emperor of Astrakhan; lord of Pskov (Plescow); Grand Duke of Smolensk (Schmolentzky), Tver (Tawrsky), Jaroslaw (Jurgusky), Perm (Pernsky), Viatka (Watzky), Bulgarsky,[149] and other provinces; Grand Duke of Nizhni Novgorod (Newgarden im Niederlande),[150] Chernigov (Cernikoffisky), Polozk (Pollotzky), Rostov (Rostoffsky), Pereslav (Gerelsloffsky), Belozersk (Bellesersky), Obdorsk (Obdorsky), Starsitz (Uradsky), Londinsky and more; master of all the lands of Siberia and the North; lord and heir to Livonia; heir and ancient successor to many other lands in the East, North, West, etc., I, Johann Taube, and I, Elert Kruse, swear and promise on our lives, fortune and blood to truly, loyally and justly serve you, said Imperial Majesty and young emperor and sovereign, at land and at sea, in recognition of the royal and imperial favors and appointments you have bestowed upon us. We swear this on our hope that God preserve our bodies and souls temporally in this life and eternally in the life to come. We will also assist Your Imperial Majesty and your imperial successors in everything which might promote the latters' advance and prosperity and, insofar as we are able, impede, avert and prevent ruin. Should we act to the contrary in this and all other matters or plot any treachery, then may our bodies and souls be beset by fire, water, sword and all pestilence. Nothing shall absolve us of this, neither our own penance and confession, nor any Christian, priestly, or spiritual authority. [53a] This we swear on our fervent hope that God and His Holy Gospel preserve our bodies and souls.[151]


          But their trick failed and the cavalry master Rosen was overwhelmed by the Russians and he and a number of horsemen were slain, hacked to bits and mutilated. The others thanked God that they had found an open gate. If they had taken the other cavalry master, Hans von Zeiz, into their confidence and not insisted on having the honor, glory and booty all for themselves, things might have turned out better for them and they might have succeeded.


          Then the Russians immediately set upon the poor, innocent townsmen, along with their wives, children and entire households. They stormed and plundered their homes and piteously slew young and old alike. This slaughter and pillage lasted three entire days. What a heart‑rending sight this must have been every Christian heart can easily imagine for itself, especially the poor little school children, who were not spared but rather all inhumanly slain, slaughtered and butchered as their classes filed from the school toward the church.[152]


          Taube and Kruse, who brought about this piteous slaughter when their coup failed, fled the scene and hastened away to the King of Poland. There they were not only graciously received, but also, as mentioned above, they were made barons and lords and were richly endowed with lands and subjects as well as provided with ample means of support.[153]


          Also in this year there was incredibly great famine, starvation and suffering in the land, the likes of which no one in this region had ever before experienced, and several thousand people died.[154] It is absolutely monstrous and dreadful to hear, but parents did not even spare their children born of their own bodies, but rather slaughtered and devoured them.[155] The Duke of Courland and the people of Riga acted in Christian fashion during this time and kept many of those people alive even though they were not their own, but rather strangers. [53b] Thus the country, and especially Reval and its environs, was beset and afflicted by all of the three supreme plagues ‑ three words of five, six and seven letters ‑ famine, pestilence and war.[156]


          Also during this year commissioners of the King of Poland, i.e., the lord administrator Jan Chodkiewicz, the castellan Felix Auctus, and the cupbearer,[157] Jan Lesniowski (Johann Liessnouffsky), were sent to the city of Riga where they once more conducted negotiations with the townspeople and were so successful that the city sent its legate to His Imperial Majesty to most respectfully terminate their subservience to him and to report that the city was now totally resolved to place itself under the sovereignty of the King of Poland, completely and without any conditions such as those which had been contained in an earlier proviso.[158]


          At the time of the above‑mentioned slaughter and blood bath at Dorpat King Magnus was still at Oberpahlen with his men‑at‑arms and two squadrons of horsemen under the command of the cavalry masters Johann Maydel and Heinrich Boisman (Bausmann). At this same time, Jürgen (Georg) von Tiesenhausen of Randen's horsemen, he himself having fallen in the Dorpat slaughter, were in the district of Weissenstein. They were in the village of Ubbegal when Carl Henriksson of Konkas,[159] a bold and chivalrous officer, woke them from their sleep, caught them totally unawares and confused and burned and slew them in their lodgings.[160]


          King Magnus knew less than nothing of the Dorpat affair and was quite innocent of it. Nonetheless, because of all manner of suspicion and danger he decided he could not safely remain and so he went to Arensburg on Ösel, there to stay for a while to see what course matters might take.[161] And so at this time his authority suffered a great blow and his horsemen were dispersed.


          During this same period the horsemen of Jürgen Farensbeck (Georg Farenssbach) returned from Muscovy.[162] [54a] On behalf of the Muscovite he had earlier enlisted them to fight the Tatars and they had served honorably and well. For this they are justly deserving of praise and honor. How much more praiseworthy it would have been of them had they shown such bravery and courage against the enemy of their fatherland, the bloodthirsty Muscovite, just as their forbearers had done. For the Livonians, as well as Christendom at large, are ill‑served, indeed harmed, when the Turks, Tatars and Muscovites enjoy success and victory against their enemies, grow mightier and stronger, and are thus able to ravage and rage all the more dreadfully against the poor Christians. Let us thank, along with God, the King of Persia who often checked and held back the Turk. Had he not, the Turk would have fallen upon the poor Christians once again. The same thanks is due the Tatar tsar of Perekop (Praecopensis) who has often foiled the Muscovite's plans and prevented him from working his will on Livonia whenever he wished.[163]


                                                    The year 1572


          In May of this year the Muscovite sent 1,000 of his Russians and several Germans to the Gulf of Wiek to bring King Magnus back from Arensburg. Later he gave himself over to, and allied himself with, the Muscovite for a second time. There is a saying, "If someone betrays me once, let God forgive him. If he betrays me a second time, then it is me God should forgive for not being more cautious and foresightful." All in all, it was not with King Magnus himself that the Muscovite concerned himself, but rather with Livonia and how through it he might set his foot into Germany.[164]


          On July 7 of this year, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the King of Poland, Sigismund Augustus, blessedly passed away at Gniezno[165] in Lithuania.


          Toward the end of this year the Grand Duke entered Livonia for the first time in person, coming by way of Narva with his two sons, 200,000 men and much heavy artillery.[166] He besieged the fortress of Weissenstein where [54b] Hans Boje was governor. No precautions had been made against a Russian attack, indeed, with the German forces sent elsewhere, the castle was virtually stripped bare. The Muscovite subjected it to a dreadful bombardment and then during the Christmas season, on New Year's Day, he took it by storm, the first time he ever captured a castle in this manner.[167] When he occupied the castle, a slaughter and massacre ensued and neither women nor maidens, young nor old, small nor large were spared, with the exception of a few peasants who had cleverly concealed themselves in the towers. They invoked the name of King Magnus and claimed to be prisoners. These were spared.


          In his Rhythmus de excido Livoniae Tilman Brackel[168] gives a noteworthy example of the brutalities and atrocities which the Muscovite is said to have committed against a maiden, some women and others as well during this same campaign, not far from Narva. He describes it as follows:


           The tyrant seized without cause

           a pious maiden, two women,

           and some men[169],

           and subjected them to torture.

           He had a large fire made

           over which he had them all roasted.

           But when the maiden was led to the fire

           and caught sight of the tyrant

           in his supreme brutality and cruelty,

           she spoke to him in a bold voice:

           "Here you stand, tyrant, observing

           my torment with great glee.

           But remember and do not forget

           that when the Son of God comes in judgment

           He will decree a punishment for you

           and will subject you to pain and torment.

           I and these other children of God

           will see you in the hands of the executioner

           and we will rejoice when we see

           your suffering and eternal torment."

           With that she calmly

           subjected herself to death

           and in true faith commended

           her soul to everlasting life.


          [55a] This maiden gives me a bold heart and courageous faith and one can easily compare her to the holy, brave and steadfast martyrs Ignatius, Polycarp, Laurence, Blaise, the little maid of Edessa and Dorothy.


                                                    The year 1573


           After the capture of Weissenstein and after the Muscovite committed dreadful atrocities upon the Swedes and Germans, burning, boiling, roasting and smoking them to death,[170] he withdrew with one group of his army to Novgorod. He left the rest of his forces behind in Livonia and divided them into two groups. One captured the castle of Karx which was then assigned to King Magnus. The other, some 16,000 strong, was sent to Wiek to ravage the districts around Hapsal (Habsal), Lode and Leal. Through God's special providence this group was surprised by a Swedish force of six hundred horsemen and one thousand musketeers who defeated the Russians and slew almost 7,500 of them. This was the number of actual bodies counted on the battlefield. Moreover, prisoners in Reval and elsewhere freely acknowledged that the Muscovite had lost almost 16,000 menin the country on the campaign against Weissenstein, at Rupert Taube's manor, in Wiek and elsewhere on account of the extremely harsh winter and heavy snow. Some of the Russians froze to death, others were slain, but the Grand Duke had large and elaborate sleighs for himself and his two sons which were so constructed that they were able to escape the effects of the dreadful cold.[171]


          On the third Sunday after Easter, April 12, King Magnus was married at Novgorod to a blood kinswoman of the Muscovite, a woman of the Vladimir family, an ancient and great line.[172] The marriage was attended by the Grand Duke, his two sons, and other countless boyars and their wives and children.


          The wedding itself was said to have been conducted with all the pomp, splendor, and decorum proper to such events, [55b] but the celebrations, spectacles, dances and other amusements which preceded and followed it were so indecent and repulsive that chaste ears and eyes could scarcely bear to witness them[173] These things which were performed for the Germans were actually a blessing, for they enabled them to bring back home news of some aspects of life and demeanor at the Russian court. The Grand Duke himself was so jolly and intoxicated at this royal wedding that he not only graced the ceremony with his own presence, but also provided a cantor, choir and choir master. He and several young monks sang the Athanasian Creed instead of the bridal song and he sang it so perfectly from memory that the other singers were unable to keep up with him, even though they were using a book. And so the whole performance was spoiled and he became so enraged at the poor monks that he took the baton with which he had been conducting and beat them over their tonsured heads with it so that one could see and recognize the red notes there. Such a fine teacher and school master! It was also his wont and custom, whenever he was in a splendid and untroubled mood,[174] to sing a song of conquest and victory, describing how, when he was not yet twenty years old and had just begun his reign, he had conquered the two khans of Kazan and Astrakhan and subjugated and subdued them and their lands and peoples. A young abbot learned in the Bible was at the wedding and King Magnus' scholars conversed with him and asked why, in light of his knowledge and learning, he did not believe as they did. He answered like the parrot, saying, "Whose bread I eat, his song I sing." He also said that in spiritual and religious matters he was allowed to speak and believe only what his Grand Duke and the tsar of all the Russians believed and spoke. Even their consciences were bound and held captive, may God have mercy.[175]


          Also in this year Henry, the brother of the King of France, was elected King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania [56a] at the reichstag in Warsaw. He was later crowned on February 21 in Cracow.[176]


                                                    The year 1574


          On January 1 of this year a splendid Swedish army of horsemen and foot soldiers composed of Germans, Swedes and Scots[177] under the command of Claes Akeson, knight, once again set out from Reval and moved against the Muscovite. They first besieged Wesenburg, but then had to withdraw in disgrace and defeat, having accomplished nothing. This was because of the great discord within the army, especially the fights and melees between the Germans and the Scots.[178] All this took place before the castle and the Russians had a clear view of it from their ramparts, towers and walls and were greatly amused. The Swedes met with like disgrace before Tolsburg on the coast, fifteen miles from Wesenburg, when they attempted to storm and overrun the castle without artillery support.


          In June of this year, after the death of his brother, King Charles of France, King Henry of Poland secretly departed and left the kingdom, not wishing anyone to follow after him and try to dissuade him.[179] He made his way to Emperor Maximilian in Vienna, Austria, and after being received there in splendid and regal fashion he went on to France, where he was named, accepted and confirmed king.


          In July Pontus de la Gardie, a Frenchman and a Swedish officer,[180] took to the field with his army, but all he achieved in the districts of Fellin, Karx and Oberpahlen was the surprise and capture of Duke Magnus' privy counsellor Dietrich Farensbeck of Heimer. This army also dreadfully despoiled the poor, common people and drove off several thousand head of cattle. The Russians came following closely on their heels and committed similar acts in Wiek, around Lode, Hapsal and Leal.


          [56b] On September 9 the men of Riga sallied forth at night and captured the pirate and brigand Munckenbeck and his ship. They threw him overboard. On the l5th at nine o'clock in the morning the Lithuanian garrison surrendered the blockhouse to them which they took over and burned to the ground on the l6th of September.


                                                    The year 1575


          On January 12 Claus von Ungern, the Danish governor of Ösel at Arensburg, conducted negotiations with the German horsemen in the service of Sweden who were holding the castles of Hapsal, Lode and Leal in Wiek. By promising them their delinquent pay he succeeded in getting them to agree to turn these castles over to him as representative of the King of Denmark and this they did on January 25.[181]


          About fourteen days before Shrove‑Tuesday the Russian returned totally unexpectedly and invaded the country.[182] He swept past Reval, Padis, Lode, Hapsal, Leal, moved through all of Wiek and crossed the Gulf to Mone, Ösel and Sonnenburg; then he returned to the mainland and ravaged the areas around Pernau, Salis, Purkel, Burtneck (Burnick), Rujen (Rugen), Ermes and Helmede. In all these places he caused indescribable suffering with his pillaging, slaying, burning and leading away of many people and spoils. And something took place which, thankfully, had never happened before: some people acted as guides for the Russians and showed them the approaches to the blockhouse at Salis.


          Shortly after this, in July, the Muscovite again moved against Pernau with a large army. He besieged, invested and bombarded that city. Although he lost many thousand men in a number of frontal assaults, the people besieged and beset in the city and castle were nonetheless forced to surrender to the enemy on July 9 since they were totally exhausted and prostrate and could expect no reinforcements. Soon after the capture of Pernau the Germans at Helmede, Ermes and Rujen likewise surrendered, [57a] deserting the King of Poland and placing themselves and those castles under the control of King Magnus. Purkel also needlessly surrendered to the Russians.[183]


          Duke Magnus of Saxony, Engern and Westphalia arrived at Sonnenburg from Stockholm in Sweden just as the Muscovite was besieging Pernau. He occupied Sonnenburg as a fief granted him by the King of Sweden and soon animosities arose between the duke and Claus von Ungern, the Danish governor on Ösel, over the island of Mone, for the latter wished to claim that island for Arensburg, the former for Sonnenburg. The duke imprisoned von Ungern but then soon released him.[184] In the meanwhile, however, the people of Pernau received no reinforcements from von Ungern as had been promised them and as a result they fell to the enemy, as mentioned above.


          The Muscovite field commanders, Knez Nikita Romanovich[185] and Knez Yuria (Jürgen)[186] acted in a most amiable fashion toward the people of Pernau when they took over the city, something which had never happened before. They also allowed them to leave unmolested with all their belongings. When some of them, e.g., Conrad von Vietinghoff[187] and Melchior Fegesack, and others arrived at the island of Kyen (Kien) with their moveable possessions, they were fired upon by Duke Magnus of Saxony, who robbed them of everything they had saved from the enemy and took them back to Sweden as prisoners where they were ill‑treated.


          On St. Laurence's Day[188] Duke Magnus of Saxony took his booty, left Sonnenburg, and sailed back to Sweden.[189] Immediately after his departure Claus von Ungern besieged the castle and captured it when fire broke out inside.


          The lord administrator Jan Chodkiewicz[190] again took to the field that same fall with a number of Lithuanian and German soldiers, hoping to wrest the castles of Helmede, Ermes and Rujen away from the Magnus adherents. A short time before the castles had deserted the King of Poland and needlessly and wantonly surrendered to Duke Magnus of Holstein.[191] They were, however, only able to regain control of the single castle of Rujen. On his return march he visited and spoke with the Duke of Courland and his wife at Mitau.


          [57b] In November the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania again held an electoral assembly in Warsaw in Masovia (Masaw). There they solemnly elected the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II King and Grand Duke and on December 18 he was named and proclaimed sovereign of the country by the lord archbishop of Gniezno (Gnisen). But this was opposed by a number of prominent lords and noblemen who refused to acknowledge the election.[192]


          A short time earlier the Holy Roman Emperor had sent his legates, N.N. and Daniel Printz,[193] to conclude an armistice in Lithuania and Livonia until further negotiations could be undertaken. One was unable, however, to determine the conditions of the armistice. One of the legates made his return journey by way of Lithuania, while the other, Daniel Printz, passed through Livonia. The latter had with him several Muscovite legates whom he was to bring to his lord, the Holy Roman Emperor. One of them, however, and the most prominent, Knez Zacharias, became seriously ill at Tuckum in Courland. And so the duke ordered his men to visit the legate and speak with him, conveying their respects, etc. (The Russians fully deserved their distress because of the atrocities, past and present, which they had inflicted upon this country.) The legate graciously accepted their good wishes and offers of assistance, but it was not so much his own illness that concerned him as the Grand Duke, whom he constantly wished luck and success in his undertakings, saying: "May God help the Grand Duke. May God grant the Grand Duke luck and success. May God guard and protect the Grand Duke." And yet it is commonly the case that they hate him whom they fear.[194]


          Here I must relate a story which many an honorable man heard from the very mouths of the barons[195] when they were asked how it was that the Russians could remain so obedient, faithful and devoted to the Grand Duke even after he had raged and ravaged so indiscriminately among his own subjects in Russia. They could offer no explanation other than to say that it was out of fear and great dread; not out of love of virtue, but rather out of fear of punishment.[196] The following story tells how [58a] the Grand Duke had a prominent boyar impaled for some petty reason. The man lived two days on the stake and he asked that his wife and children be brought to him so that he might tell them something of great importance. His last words, as long as he was still able to speak and until the soul left his body, were, "O God, bless the Grand Duke. May God help the Grand Duke and give him luck and success." He repeated these words constantly and unceasingly. Truly that is praying for one's enemies! At that time the two barons gave so many and detailed accounts of his unspeakable barbarity (which they had earlier lamented unto heaven) that one can scarcely recall them for fear of his heart's breaking, much less speak or write of them. One reads of how the King of Persia set his two sons Artaxeres Mnemon and Cyrus the younger against each other to decide the successor to the kingdom, how one offered battle to the other, and of how Cyrus lost this battle and was slain. One also reads how brutally this beast tortured and tormented a satrap who claimed to have slain Cyrus in the battle. The king had a tiny boat made, one so small that if a grown man lay in it his head and feet would overlap the ends. He placed the poor sinner in it and gave him honey and milk to eat and then solemnly informed him that worms were growing inside his body, gnawing through and devouring his intestines. He also smeared his face, hands and feet with honey and let him be consumed by large flies. What was even worse, he cut off his eyelids and set the boat adrift on the water during the hottest part of the summer. For almost twenty entire days the man had to look with open eyes directly into the heat and glare of the bright sun until he died, in greatest agony, as one may well imagine. If anyone had told the Muscovite of this punishment he would have doubtlessly tried it out on the poor captives since he takes special joy and delight in such novelties.[197]


                                               [58b] The year 1576


          On January 27 of this year the Muscovite again attacked Wiek with a force of 6,000 strong and the castles of Leal, Lode and Vickel quite needlessly surrendered. This was after the two fortresses of Hapsal and Padis had surrendered, most dishonorably and wantonly,[198] on January 12 and 18 respectively. Even that great lord was correct when he said of those and like people that in surrendering their castles now to one person and then to another they had used up all the fingers of both hands taking oaths and that if they were to take further oaths they would have to lie on their backs and use their toes.


          Those mercenaries were in such good humor on the very evening the fortress of Hapsal surrendered that they held a farewell party with some women and girls and made merry, as though everything had turned out fine. A good spirit in an evil situation is half of the evil.[199]


          The Russian field commander, one Knez Yuria,[200] who died there at Hapsal, was also amazed at this and said, "If we Russians were to so needlessly surrender such a castle of our Grand Duke's, we would despair of our lives, indeed in the whole, wide world there would be no place to hide." Such a thing comes about when it is not severely punished and when one fails to immediately put the perpetrators to death so that they will be unable to do it again.


          We mentioned above how a number of prominent lords and noblemen refused to acknowledge the election of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian II as King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania. Aside from sending a few letters and legates, the emperor scarcely concerned himself with the matter and showed little interest in it. And so these dissidents proceeded to elect Stephen Batory, the palatine of Transylvania (Siebenburgen), king.[201] He was crowned in Cracow on May 4 and on the following Sunday [59a] of the same month he was married to the lady Anna, the royal Polish princess.[202] Later his claim was recognized above that of Emperor Maximilian and until the end of his life he reigned over Poland, Lithuania, Prussia and Livonia. This was in spite of the fact that at first there were several people who, like the Egyptians in their reaction to Joseph, wished it were otherwise and were reluctant to give him all the honor his status deserved since he was a foreigner. Later, however, they humbly submitted to the mighty hand of God and showed him complete loyalty and obedience. This was brought about by His Majesty's excellent virtues, his wisdom and successes. So that the eye may see and the ear may hear God creates each.[203]


          In sum, the king was thoughtful, knowledgeable and extremely well spoken. His individual words were almost pieces of testimony since he was one who cared nothing for Italian fancies and outspreading Spanish hands.[204] Once, when a prince was making too much of court etiquette on his behalf, he said, "I ask that your lordship sit. If it is not enough to ask, I wish to command and instruct." [205]At a reichstag in Thorn on November 14 in the debate over liberties he publicly said, "I was born not in a stall, but in a palatial hall[206] and I was born, and reared a free man, nor before I came into these lands were food and clothing lacking to me. Therefore, I shall love and preserve my liberty. God willing, I was chosen through you to be your king. I came here, with you demanding it and pressing me. Through you the crown was placed on my head. I am therefore your king, not a sculptured or painted one. [59b] I wish to reign and to command, nor shall I permit you to be the teachers of me or my councilors, but may you rather guard your liberties in such a way that they do not turn into abuse."[207]


          Nor was he vain or susceptible to flattery. Once when he was at Riga he wished to amuse himself by going hunting and so he sent someone to one of the Duke of Courland's subjects, graciously asking him to provide lodgings and to arrange for a meal there. A short time before he arrived, a sycophant, hypocrite and flatterer (of whom Menander describes three types and of which there are many at court) went to this man's house[208] and placed a couplet which he had written for the king on the door:


           In justice, piety and faithfulness and in war and peace

           this age, o King, has no one like you.[209]


          Annoyed, the king added this distich and signed it:        


          This sycophant does not avail.

          Let him be far away from me and also his false pen.

          Make your own those things which are your own.

          Do not take kings lightly.[210]


          There were a number of other contenders, all of whom would have liked to have been king, especially among the Italian princes,[211] but the Poles were not in the least interested. Thus Stephen, prince or duke of Transylvania, was confirmed king before all others by the election, in spite of the fact that he had been threatened with attack by the Emperor of Turkey, as well as by the young prince of Sweden,[212] who had the strongest claim because his mother was of the Jagellonian line and who even today refuses to cede his right of succession to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, proclaims himself heir to same and seeks to bring about its incorporation into the kingdom of the blessed Sigismund Augustus. Some Poles also suggested a native‑born king from among their own ranks. But the Supreme Being controls the kingdoms of men and gives them to whom he wishes. Just as King Erik of Sweden's motto says on his coins: God gives to whom He wishes and He in turn takes away from whom he wishes.[213] God gives and God takes away, He can both raise up and cast down as [60a] it pleases Him and He creates kingdoms in the same way.


          About this same time of the year a number of junkers from Korb in Courland captured Duke Magnus' castle of Amboten on the Lithuanian border by surprise.[214] But Carl Soige, the advocate of the diocese, did not let them hold it for long, but rather soon recaptured it. And when Duke Magnus learned about Amboten, he sent his horsemen from Oberpahlen and Karx to take the castle of Lemsal away from the Poles, which they did in the night of October 2, just when a monstrous and incredible wind storm swept across the entire country doing great damage, blowing down buildings and countless trees and scattering the grain in the fields. It was almost like an earthquake. This was doubtlessly an omen and foreshadowing of the great misfortune to come, for the following year the Muscovite again invaded the country in person and inflicted great misery and suffering, as will soon be related.


          On November 6 Johann Büring seized the castle of Treiden from Baron Elert Kruse while the latter was absent. This was in spite of the fact that both men were subjects of the same master, the lord administrator. Thus this was a year of much taking away but of little giving.


          This capture was achieved with an unusual tactic, ruse of war or cleverness. Büring sent several sleds filled with wood to the castle. The gate keeper carelessly opened the gate for them and kept it open and the forces lying in ambush in the thicket rushed through, shot the keeper and thus captured the castle.[215] It was actually quite good for the country that Büring's attack succeeded, for if Kruse had continued to hold the castle, the Muscovite would have doubtlessly taken it during the above‑mentioned invasion, especially since he was particularly hostile toward Kruse. Nor did that which later befell Wenden, as will be described soon, happen to Treiden.


          [60a] Thus ends Part Two in which are described the events and actions which took place between 1562 and 1577 in Livonia during the reign of the blessed Sigismund Augustus and after his death during the time of the interregnum.



     Endnotes to Part II


[1]. See Duke Gotthard's assessment of the situation in August, 1562. QU, VIII, 339‑45.

[2]. The text of both declarations is in Vetera, II, 713. The Russian forces captured Polozk in early 1563, then offered Sigismund a truce. Georg Chodkiewicz went to Moscow to negotiate peace, but failed. Renewed fighting in 1564 was largely to Polish advantage, but not decisive. Stämmler, pp. 22‑24.

[3]. Russow, p. 99; QU, VIII, 317‑19, 329‑37; Editiones, XXIV, 242‑256.

[4]. Russow, p. 100.

[5]. Wappenbuch, p. 167. He had been advocate on Sonnenburg in 1560, and until his death in 1574 was governor of Kettler's properties in Ösel and Pilten. His brother Georg founded a prominent family in Courland.

[6]. Taube and Kruse, but Kruse objects to this popular belief, pp. 255‑56. Renner names Christian Schraffer "vir callidus et impostor," etc., p. 480.

[7]. The next year, while leading Prussian forces at the battle of Pernau he lost a foot, dying two days later. His brother Abraham tried in vain to recover his estates at Neumühle, Nytow, and Rodenpois in 1567 and went to France, dying there in 1568 while fighting for the Huguenots. Dohna, p. 2. Letters concerning his mission appear in Editiones, XXIV, 96‑106, 210‑203.

[8]. Catherine (1526‑83). Russow, pp. 101, 113. The marriage was celebrated on Christmas Eve and Johan became a Roman Catholic. King Erik, who was at war with Poland, considered this marriage an act of treason. It was the low point of their deteriorating personal relationship and conflicting ambitions. Martin Kromer, Historyja prawdziwa o przygodzie ksiazecia finlandzkiego Jana: Krolewny polskiej Katarzyn (ed. Janus Mattek, 1570. Reprint Olsztyn: Pojezierze, 1974); Editiones, XXIV, 221‑233, 277‑287, XXVI, 24‑26, for correspondence about the marriage. See also Arnell, Die Auflösung des livländischen Ordensstaates, pp. 228f., 241f., 255ff., 275; Stämmler, pp. 23‑24.

[9]. Turku (Abo) in Finland.

[10]. Sigismund's forces were being routed. Editiones, XXVI, 27‑29.

[11]. The six castles were Helmede, Karx, Ermes, Trikaten, Rujen, and Burtneck. Weissenstein also belongs on the list.

[12]. He was illegitimate; probably from the Tyrol. Fabricius, p. 478.

[13]. Russow, pp. 101, 113; Editiones, IX, 32‑37, XXXII, 81‑82, about rumors of the imprisonment; Fabricius, pp. 477‑78. Their son, the future King Sigismund of Poland, was born in captivity in 1566.

[14]. He had no source of pay for his troops after Johan was thrown into prison. Von Artz knew that Erik had murdered many of Johan's supporters and that Sigismund had no money.

[15]. Such deeds lead to such reward. Staden, pp. 100‑101, claims to have witnessed the execution.

[16]. Russow, p. 104; this led to Kurbsky's fall from favor, because he had promised Ivan that he could occupy the castles through this treachery.

[17]. This is what Staden, pp. 101f., believed as he served in the Polish forces, contemplated fighting for Sweden, then sneaked over the frontier to the Russians. A thoroughly despicable mercenary, Staden left us a colorful memoir of the period to follow.

[18]. The golden apple, marked "To the Fairest", which Eris, the goddess of Discord, threw among the banqueting gods and which the Judgment of Paris awarded to Aphrodite.

[19]. "Toulouse...was sacked by Q. Servilius Caepio in 106 B.C. The temples contained large stores of gold. Caepio was most severely punished for sacrilege on his return to Rome." Cicero, De Natura Deorum, Academia (trans. H. Rackham, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1933), p. 358, fn. 1.

[20]. Russow, p. 100. February 15, 1563.

[21]. Staden indicates, pp. 60‑61, that the citizens surrendered against the wishes of the commander. A massacre of soldiers and Jews followed. A prisoner taken in the city, Albert Schlichting, says that up to this time no one really understood how cruel Ivan could be. Schlichting, p. 213.

[22]. Hosti enim tanquam lupo occurrendum sive recta sive obliqua via.

[23]. This implies the presence of all the major nobles with their armed retinues.

[24]. Amissam esse civitatem ligneam, quae ea facilitate posset recuperari, qua in Mosci potestatem venisset. Ivan's forces were not that numerous. See Angermann, Livlandpolitik, p. 30, for a complete list of garrisons in Livonia.

[25]. Stämmler, pp. 21‑24.

[26]. See Lenz, pp. 32‑33, for competition between Poles and Swedes to take power in Riga as his successor.

[27]. This was in February of 1564.

[28]. A French adventurer in Johan's trust, who as governor of Alvsborg plotted to arrest the king, find Erik's hidden treasure, and put Karl on the throne. When the plot was uncovered, he fled to Karl but was later surrendered to Johan and executed in 1573.

[29]. Editiones, XXIV, 268‑71.

[30]. Sigismund wrote King Friedrich from Kaunas July 5, Editiones, IX, 26‑27; Danish attitude, Editiones, XXIV, 113‑121. Declaration of war was July 31, 1563. The formal understanding between Poland and Denmark, Ibid., pp. 124‑52; negotiations continued into September, pp. 159‑72.

[31]. Albrecht, now seventy‑three years old and in poor health.

[32]. The elder (1485‑1565).

[33]. The meeting was at the end of June. Editiones, XXXII, 25 f.

[34]. Anna, born 1533, daughter of Albrecht of Mecklenburg (1486‑1547) and Anna of Brandenburg (1507‑1567). Negotiations had begun in 1562. Henning and Georg von Tiesenhausen were sent by Kettler to make arrangements. Cruse, Curland, pp. 41‑42.

[35]. Russow, pp. 102‑103.

[36]. He was at Sonnenburg August 11.

[37]. Russow, p. 103.

[38]. They were probably hurrying home in early October to report on the Polish‑Danish alliance at Stettin. Editiones, XXIV, 177‑186. Zacharias Vheling accompanied them and reached Moscow in December of 1563. His mission failed and he had to endure several months in Russian prison before returning to Denmark.

[39]. (1526‑1575), duke of Mecklenburg since 1547. Although he had once wavered between Roman Catholic and Protestant, he had cast his lot with the latter in 1550. His marriage to Anna Sophie of Prussia in 1555 solidified this position.

[40]. (1561‑1603). The effort to secure an archbishop for a two‑year old boy would be shocking even to contemporaries, but it had the logic of resolving the succession question and simultaneously putting off any change in the situation until the nominee came of age. The plan failed. In 1593 he married Klara of Pomerania (1574‑1623).

[41]. Johann Albrecht had named Christopher Bishop of Ratzeburg in 1554 whereupon the see was secularized. Afterward he sought to do the same for Riga. He acquired great debts in this enterprise, but continued with his policy. Christopher died in 1592. For details of Mecklenburg duke's policy, see Lenz, pp. 33‑36.

[42]. Henning. Cruse, Curland, p. 65. As a reward he was given a golden chain with the princess' portrait.

[43]. By Jost Clodt. Klot, p. 65. The question under debate was Livonia's relationship to the crown. The Lithuanians wanted Livonia subject only to themselves, whereas Kettler wanted to be under the crown of Poland and Lithuania; Editiones, XXXII, 94‑95.

[44]. The emperor Ferdinand died July 25 and was succeeded by his son Maximilian (1527‑76). Henning's failure to note this indicates of how little importance imperial help was now. On September 13, Sigismund Augustus summarized the year's negotiations with Ivan and efforts by Lübeck to secure access to Narva. Editiones, IX, 44‑46.

[45]. Henrik Klassen Horn (1515‑1595), who became commander of the Swedish troops in Estonia in 1563.

[46]. Russow, p. 104, suggests the siege was long because the besiegers lacked artillery. Nicholas Radzivil (the Red) crushed Shuisky's forces February 7 at Orscha (Ula). In February of 1566 he was appointed Palatine of Vilna, holding that post until his death, April 27, 1584. Sigismund Augustus used his strengthened position to negotiate with Ivan for peace and with Sweden to obtain access to Narva for Lübeck merchants. Editiones, IX, 44‑46.

[47]. Also in Russow, pp. 104‑105. Both authors miss the point, mistaking the day with the god. Reference is most likely to a revival of the worship of Perkune, the god of weather and especially thunder, whom the Livonians equated with the Germanic god Thor, from whence derive both English "Thursday" and German "Donnerstag." For more on the indigenous religions of the area, see Wilhelm Mannhardt, Letto‑Preussische Götterlehre, (Riga: Lettische Literarische Gesellschaft, 1936).

[48]. This is a common theme of Reformation ministers and Counter Reformation priests. The Christianity of the natives was superficial and unsophisticated. The authorities, both German and Lithuanian, had concentrated on stamping out pagan practices such as polygamy, child murder, and selling daughters (naturally also the formal worship of ancient gods), but were unable to find priests who could instruct the people in the faith. See Henning's Bericht...in Religionssachen in Kallmeyer, pp. 97ff. For the Catholic reports on the nearest part of Lithuania, see Codex Mednicensis seu Samogitiae Dioecesis, I, (ed. Paulus Jatulis. Rome: Lithuanian Academy, 1984).

[49]. Der Eyfflendisch Pawr steigt auff ein Bawm,

darauff hawt er ihm Sattel und Zaum,

unnd machet davon Stiffel und Sporen,

füllet seim Herrn den Kasten mit Korn.

This odd image is confusing. An alternate reading, if ihm is interpreted as reflexive, might be: "The Livonian peasant climbs a tree and carves himself saddle and bridle. He also must make his boots and spurs of wood, and yet he fills his lord's silo with grain.

[50]. From Russow, p. 105. They are mentioned by Sigismund, April 13, 1565. Editiones, IX, 58‑59. Caecilia (d. 1627), daughter of Gustav Vasa, was visiting her brother in the company of her husband, Christoph II, Markgraf of Baden‑Rodemachern.

[51]. Russow, pp. 105‑106..

[52]. Russow, p. 108.

[53]. Russow, pp. 106‑108.

[54]. Especially the marriage to the duchess of Mecklenburg. Editiones, XXXII, 128‑29.

[55]. The Prussian situation ‑ neutral though obliged to assist both the Livonians (through tradition and geographical interest) and the Poles (Sigismund Augustus was the overlord of Prussia) ‑ is explained by financial troubles and the duke's illness. Stämmler, pp. 25f.; Editiones, XXXII, 135.

[56]. Henning and Georg von Tiesenhausen. Cruse, Curland, p. 42.

[57]. Conjecture for das leibgedinge...zu besichtigen, zu inventieren und in seine richtigkeit...zu bringen.

[58]. Albrecht was then seventy‑six.3) Russow, p. 99; QU, VIII, 317‑19, 329‑37; Editiones, XXIV, 242‑256.

[59]. Jan Kostka von Stangenberg (1529‑1581) was actually castellan of Danzig. He was treasurer of Prussia and was generally responsible for Prussian affairs.

[60]. Salus publica suprema lex esto. Followed by a ditty in German:          "The highest law for every age

                                 is that the common weal be broad and deep."

[61]. Apparently Franz II (1547‑1619). His bankrupt father, Franz I (1510‑1581) sent his children abroad as much as possible (Magnus II to Sweden) for an education and too seek a fortune. In 1574 he would marry Margarete of Pomerania (1553‑81).

[62]. Henning accompanied him, then went on to Lublin for the Polish Diet. Cruse, Curland, p. 66.

[63]. Conjecture for zur Haussbringunge, in beysein Herzog Magni von Holstein...

[64]. Klot, p. 66. Jan Hieronim Chodkiewicz (1525‑1579), educated at Königsburg, Leipzig, and Wittenberg, and a participant in the religious wars in Germany in the imperial forces! Palatine of Samogita, son of Hieronim, castellan of Vilna (1564‑Nov. 12, 1572), with two uncles holding similar high offices, he had been in Livonia since 1559. He converted to Catholicism in this year, 1566. See Lenz, p. 39f., for the Rigan refusal to recognize the ambitious Kettler as the lawful administrator. They were interested in having a more active military commander. A Lithuanian governor would presumably exercise his influence to have a larger army sent to protect them.

[65]. Privatum commodum evertere solet imperium.

[66]. Volenti non sit iniuria et exitus acta probat. Followed by a ditty in German: "What one wants

                                                  should not bother him greatly.

                                                  The outcome extols its author

                                                  when the end result is good."

See Lenz, pp. 41‑43, for Riga's objections to Polish domination.

[67]. The king's reference may have been to 1308 when a rebellion led to the Teutonic Knights occupying West Prussia and Danzig.

[68]. Chodkiewicz cleverly gives his own contemporary meaning to the king's words. In the 1560's Danzig resented both royal efforts to reimpose Catholicism and the king's inability to open Narva's harbor to trade. Chodkiewicz probably refers to Jakob Achanski, Bishop of Leslau (1557‑62) and Archbishop of Gniezno (1562‑81). Since 1526 Danzig had become increasingly Lutheran in sentiment and doctrine, while preserving most of the outward forms of Catholicism. As bishop, Jakob acted as mediator between the citizens and the Church. In 1568 he was to lead a commission to investigate Protestant activities in the city. As archbishop, he showed even more sympathy to the idea of a national church, based, to be sure, on Catholic doctrine.

[69]. A reference to, but not a direct quote from, Mark 10:35‑37. When Jesus foretold his death and resurrection to his apostles, James and John came to him asking that he grant them special honors in paradise, i.e., that one should sit at his right hand, the other at his left.

[70]. I.e., they had mortgaged them. See Henning's response below.

[71]. Fabricius, pp. 470f.; the secularization of the church was confirmed by Chodkiewicz. Codex, 266‑67.

[72]. See Chodkiewicz's instructions, letter from the king, Codex, pp. 257‑66.

[73]. Such an arrangement had existed for centuries between the Teutonic Knights in Prussia and the Livonian Knights. The two Protestant dukes of Prussia and Courland remembered this well. Against whom would the Duke of Prussia need assistance? Only against Poland! However well Albrecht had worked with Sigismund Augustus, he could see a succession crisis coming and he had reason to fear a future monarch might seek to reestablish Roman Catholicism in Prussia. Jesuits in Poland were already routinely referring to Protestants as heretics.

[74]. For correspondence and reports on this complicated intrigue see De rebus ac statu Ducatus Prussiae tempore Alberti Senioris Marchionis Brandenburgensis (ed. Adolph Pawinski. Warsaw, 1879), pp. 1‑155.

[75]. Kettler in any case removed his chancellor, Jost Clodt, and obtained for him a certificate of Polish nobility which protected him from prosecution. Klot, p. 66; for the accusations, see Editiones, XXXII, 116‑117.

[76]. Editiones, XXXII, 149.

[77]. Kettler cooperated fully in the union of Lithuania and Livonia, December 26, 1565, which was guaranteed by the Privilegium Sigismundi Augusti, pp. 61ff.; Editiones, XXXII, 156‑61, 171, 179‑80, 184‑91, 202‑4.

[78]. Regem non habemus nisi Caesarem, et nullum Dominum nisi Regem. For the constitutional arrangement, see Stämmler, pp. 34f.

[79]. He established his family in ducal service.

[80]. Proverbial, "Gut meinen, machet Leib weinen."

[81]. From an old noble family.  Wappenbuch, III, part 1, p. 37.

[82]. Et vincit veritas, tandem bona causa triumphat.

[83]. Confirmed in a letter from Sigismund, February 25, 1567. Editiones, IX, 85‑86.

[84]. Kurssel had joined the Swedish service about 1560. Kruse, p. 255, tried in vain to persuade him with bribes to betray his lord.

[85]. Castellan of Dünaburg, died 1600.

[86]. Commander of the Estonian nobles.  Wappenbuch, 170.

[87]. Russow, pp. 109‑110. The Polish emphasis on cavalry seemed to be confirmed in this and other encounters, where smaller Polish forces beat much larger infantry armies.

[88]. Russow, p. 110; Fabricius, p. 478; see Lenz, pp. 44‑46, for more detail.

[89]. Ivan IV. Henning refuses to call him Tsar.

[90]. Yury (1532‑1563) could hardly have been involved in this plot, but may have been marginally involved in such an undertaking in 1554. Born deaf and dumb, however, he was never of any importance politically. Peter and Iurii Gorenski‑Obolenski had sought to flee to Lithuania about 1565. Peter was captured and impaled. Iurii became Sigismund Augustus' vassal. See note in Schlichting, p. 245.

[91]. The Oprichnina was a special court with its own police responsible to Ivan alone. Ambitious minor nobles (often bearing distinguished names) used this authority to break domestic resistance to the Tsar and to enrich themselves. Ivan was undergoing great personal stress and displaying signs of mental instability, especially paranoia. This led to a reign of terror with the Oprichnina as the principal agent of destruction. An eyewitness account of Moscow under the Oprichnina is in Staden, pp. 6‑34; also Fletcher, pp. 32‑35; and first‑hand, Kurbsky, pp. 153‑247, and Schlichting, pp. 237f. and 246f.

[92]. Nicholas the Red.

[93]. Probably George and Ivan of Staritsa, and an unmarried sister, children of Vladimir of Staritsa. They were all murdered by Ivan in October of 1569. This story is, of course, apocryphal. The family was later rehabilitated so that Ivan could promise one of Vladimir's daughters to Magnus. See notes to Schlichting, pp. 252‑3, 262‑3.

[94]. Ante victoriam non debellatis hostibus.

[95]. Probably Basil, known to still be alive in 1573. Numerous other princes were accused of planning to flee to Lithuania, but none of those who made the attempt succeeded. See note above on the Obolenski family.

[96]. Editiones, XXV, 22‑44, for discussions of extending the Polish‑Danish alliance by marriage between Magnus and one of the royal daughters.

[97]. Anna, widow of Stephen Batory. Usula Renner, "Herzog Magnus von Holstein als Vassall des Zaren Ivan Grozni," Deutschland‑Livland‑Rußland, pp. 142‑43.

[98]. Ivan's demands that Catherine be married to him or be sent to his safekeeping continued for years. Ivan's marriage projects were always ambitious ‑ he even contemplated a union with Queen Elizabeth of England. As early as 1561 an Italian reported that King Sigismund did not wish any alliance with an "heretico et scimatico, come anco per esser un tiranno et nimico della vera religion cristiana," Editiones, XXVI, 17‑18.

[99]. Magnus (1543‑1603) of Sachsen ‑ Lauenburg served as general in the war against Denmark after 1566. He married Sophia of Sweden on the same day that Erik married his common‑born mistress, Katharina Manstochter. ADB, XX, 72‑73. Frederick of Denmark was considering marriage to his mistress, Anne Hardeberg, but abandoned his plans after seeing Erik's fate.  Scandinavian History, pp. 204‑205.

[100]. September. Russow, pp. 111‑12; Fabricius, p. 479.

[101]. Tutius est, praestatque Deo confidere soli quam se principibus credere mille viris.

[102]. Sten Eriksson Leijonhufvud (1518 ‑ October 5, 1568).

[103]. January 14, 1569, as Johan III. This necessitated radical changes in the Polish‑Danish alliance, since the basic cause for war between Poland and Sweden no longer existed. Rather there was a possibility that Johan would be elected Polish king after Sigismund Augustus' death, thus uniting the two nations under the Vasa dynasty.  Editiones, XXV, 62‑85, for discussions of April and May; Editiones IX, 95‑97, for Sigismund's ideas in September.

[104]. July 25.

[105]. knüpkülichen. Kallmeyer explains this as "ein Kinderspiel, entsprechend dem noch jetzt gebräuchlichen, sogenannten Butterloch..." I know of no English equivalent for this. Shifting allegiances were traditional on Ösel. Remember Henning's earlier denunciation of "evil counsellors."

[106]. Gabriel Kristiernsson Oxenstierna (1500‑1585) became royal marshal in 1569 and from 1582 royal counsellor.

[107]. Klot, p. 79.

[108]. Summer of 1560. See Kruse's letter of October 26 of that year. QU, VII, 126‑29. Also: Theodor Schiemann, "Johann Taube und Eilhard Kruse," Charakterköpfe und Sittenbilder aus der baltischen Geschichte des 16. Jhdts. (Mitau: Behre, 1871), pp. 1‑30; Ernest Seraphim, Geschichte Liv‑, Est‑, und Kurlands. II, (Reval: Kluge, 1896), pp. 26ff; Michael von Taube, Die von Üxküll (Meine, 1955), III; Staden, pp. 103f.

[109]. Staden, p. 13, says that foreigners had to buy their alcoholic beverages from the Chancery for Ambassadors, p. 66, that foreigners employed by the tsar might keep a tavern ‑ an ignominious profession in the eyes of the Russians.  Rude and Barbarous Kingdom, pp. 56‑57, on Russian drinking habits.

[110]. Kruse, p. 270.

[111]. Sigismund Augustus was more eager to attract deserters than punish offenders. Moreover, their plans to create an autonomous Livonian province under King Magnus, had they succeeded, would have preserved the essential liberties of the nobles and burghers in the country and established a relationship to the tsar which like that enjoyed by their descendants after Peter the Great conquered Livonia.

[112]. Perhaps from the Swedish delegation which had been sent to seek peace. Rolf Dencker, "Der finnländische Bischof Paul Juusten und seine Mission in Rußland," Rossica Externa: Festgabe für Paul Johansen (Marburg: Elwert, 1963), pp. 37‑57, and Hugh Graham, "Paul Juusten's Mission to Moscovy," Russian History/Histoire Russe, 13, 1 (1986), pp. 41‑92.

[113]. Russow, pp. 113‑14. Erik died February 24, 1577.

[114]. Kruse, pp. 270‑71.

[115]. Glinski was a Roman Catholic Tatar who had rebelled against Lithuanian administration in 1506 and fled to Russia when his effort failed. His niece, Elena, married Basil III and bore Ivan in 1530. After Basil's death in 1533 and perhaps even before, Elena took a lover, Ivan Ovchina‑Obolensky. In 1534 Glinski's and Ovchina's struggle for influence reached a crisis. Glinski was arrested and imprisoned until his death in 1536. When Ivan came to the throne in 1547, Yury and Michael Glinski began a reign of terror against their enemies, but were unable to overcome popular resistance fanned by the Schuiskys. Michael was rehabilitated in time to command forces in Livonia in 1558.

[116]. Kruse, p. 255.

[117]. A reference to Magnus.

[118]. Sigismund's description of the assembly, June 23, Editiones, IX, 104‑107; Stämmler, pp. 49f.; Lenz, pp. 46‑48. This laconic description of the most important event in Polish‑Lithuanian relations is one of the frustrating aspects of reading Henning. In effect, the Lithuanians gave up their national independence and religious freedom in return for Polish military aid against Russia. Henning was fully aware of the depth of Lithuanian hostility toward the Polish nobles in the Sejm (national assembly), but he tells us nothing.

[119]. membrum regni, feudatarisque Princeps...Ducalibus immunitatibus, libertatibus, privilegijs, etc...ad instar Ducum Prussiae acceptiret.

[120]. This quote, with minor changes, is in Codex, p.288.

[121]. Lit., "Until after the cakes have already been blessed" (wenn die Fladen schon geweyhet), an allusion to the custom of bringing special, unleavened cakes and other foods into the church on Easter Day to be blessed by the priest.

[122]. A humanist and reformer (1499‑1560), whose books were circulated widely. He was a favorite of Nicholas Radzivil the Black.

[123]. For example, at this moment Maximilian was sending a mission to Moscow with a proposal for a joint offensive against the Turks. The pope had suggested it, but the emperor feared Protestants (heretics) in Poland would pass a warning to the Turks. Such was the exalted level of imperial planning. Nuntiaturberichte (2nd series), VI, 357. In October of 1570 the Polish ambassador showed Maximilian secret documents acknowledging imperial rights over Livonia, but the emperor still wanted to avoid provoking Ivan, so that he could win him over to an alliance. Ibid., VII, 51,77.

[124]. See Codex, pp. 278ff., for conditions of the release. He returned to Mecklenburg. In 1573 he married Dorothea of Denmark (1524‑1575) and then Elizabeth of Sweden (1549‑1597). He died in 1592 without ever again seriously influencing Livonian history.

[125]. Russow, pp. 123-124.

[126]. Magnus had sent a secret mission to Ivan in September, 1559; according to Staden, p. 113, Johann Taube had persuaded Magnus to come over to Ivan. Sigismund wrote to King Frederich about this January 20. Editiones, IX, 117‑20, 122‑26.

[127]. Nils Dobbeler, a Swedish infantry captain, joined Claus Kurssel's band and recruited two outlaws to assist him. Providing drink for a party, he made part of the garrison dead drunk, then slipped down ropes to the cathedral compound. There they lowered ropes through the toilet shafts and brought up three hundred soldiers. Russow, pp. 128‑30.

[128]. Iisdem artibus, quibus quid acquiritur, isdem etiam vicissim perditur.

[129]. Balthasar Heller, Fromhold Düker, Heinrich Hacker. Russow, p. 130.

[130]. Russow, p. 130; Kruse, pp. 258‑59; Fabricius, p. 479.

[131]. Russow, pp. 125‑27, describes mass murders. So do Staden, pp. 26‑28; Horsey, p. 162; Kurbsky, p. 247; eyewitnesses from Sweden report brutal but less bloody behavior, "Paul Juusten's Mission to Muscovy," pp. 53‑65. It should be noted that Ivan's wife had just died, an event which made him unstable and dangerous; Schlichting, pp. 233‑37.

[132]. castrum mancipiorum. Fletcher refers, p. 60, to Kolophey as bondslaves, the nobles subjected to the tsar as their serfs are to them.

[133]. A mission from Poland was is Moscow at this moment. It reported on Magnus' activities and Ivan's proposal to give up Polozk in return for uncontested possession of Livonia north of the Düna. Vetera, II, 752‑58, 767‑70.

[134]. Early July 1570. Russow, pp. 127‑28, 134. This was based on the betrothal of Magnus to Ivan's nearest relative, Eufemia of Staresta. When she died in 1571, Ivan substituted her sister, Maria, and set back the wedding until she came of age. Eyewitness account in "Paul Juusten's Mission to Muscovy," pp. 70‑73.

[135]. This release of prisoners was part of the three‑year truce concluded between Sigismund Augustus and Ivan IV.

[136]. Fistula dulce canit volucrem dum decipit auceps.

[137]. The siege lasted just short of thirty weeks. Russow, pp.130‑37. Kruse, pp. 258‑59.

[138]. December 13.

[139]. The Peace of Stettin. Editiones, XXV, 141‑56.

[140]. Archiv, VII, 272‑87; Lenz, pp. 60ff.

[141]. Russow, pp. 134, 137; Kruse, pp. 258‑59.

[142]. Russow, p. 137; Possevino, pp. 3‑5.

[143]. Confirmed by Horsey, pp. 160‑61, who arrived in Livonia at this time.

[144]. See Russow, p. 138; Horsey, pp. 164‑66; Fletcher, pp. 17, 65‑7, 85‑90; and Staden, pp. 46‑47, 51‑53, 77; Massa, pp. 16‑20, with better information on this than the others.

[145]. It is with bitter irony that Henning applies the term "kingdom" to the territories the Grand Duke granted Duke (now "king") Magnus the preceding year.

[146]. Russow, p. 138, contradicts this statement with a comment that even the relatively poor region of Harrien could support 30, soldiers during the siege of Reval, and that nobles and peasants alike would not complain about that, if only that were the end of it.

[147]. Hans von Zeiz had recently arrived from Germany, having been recruited to lead his cavalry unit against the Tatars. His troops were reinforced by Livonian squadrons formerly led by von Tiesenhausen. Reinhold von Rosen was from one of the oldest families in Livonia, with lands in the archdiocese and Estonia. He was serving the tsar solely on the condition that his Livonian troops would fight the Tatars. Ivan mistakenly assigned these mercenaries to Dorpat, though such service against countrymen and relatives was considered dishonorable and a violation of contract.

[148]. See Russow, pp.140‑41, and Kruse, pp. 260‑65.

[149]. Bulgaria has disappeared by this time. The reference might be to the Bielski lands.

[150]. Modern Gorki.

[151]. Kruse denies the existence of such a document, pp. 267‑68.

[152]. October 21. Kruse, pp.265‑66, has a long description. See also Russow, p. 141.

[153]. Not all went as smoothly as Henning suggests. Kruse had been captured by the Russians in 1560, his infant daughter killed, and his wife and two other children mistreated. He was held in a Moscow prison until summoned by Ivan IV and offered a post in his administration. Only by accepting could he save himself and his family, and moreover, Ivan was a very generous lord. When he fled to the west, he did not meet an immediately warm reception, because his name was associated with a double treason, once to the Germans, once to the Russians. Kruse, pp. 267, 270‑71. Only after he and Taube proved their worth in battle and diplomacy were they treated as honorable men and rewarded appropriately. They had a severe falling out after their sons killed each other. Russow, pp. 140‑41.

[154]. Russow, p. 139, mentions an epidemic. Staden, p. 46, indicates that Russia was affected too. affected too.

[155]. While the suffering was undoubtedly great in the regions that were ravaged the most severely, Russow does not mention cannibalism occurring at this time. The story seems to reflect the propaganda of the era, which was designed to seek sympathy and aid from the Holy Roman Empire. See Andreas Kappeler, "Deutsche Rußlandschriften der Zeit Ivans des Schrecklichen," in Reiseberichte von Deutschen über Rußland und von Rußen über Deutschland (Cologne: Bohlau, 1980), pp.9, 14‑15.

[156]. Limos, loimos kai polemos. Fames, pestis et duellum.

[157]. Pocillator, a major office in the court in Lithuania.

[158]. This does not seem to be accurate. Although Taube and Kruse went to Sweden at this time, they were not admitted into Reval. Russow, p. 141; Stämmler, pp. 64‑66; for the imperial delegation, see Lenz, pp. 48f., 53f., 62‑71; for the Rigan efforts to restore their relationship to the Holy Roman Empire, on pages 85‑86 Lenz declares Henning's statement here to be a complete misunderstanding.

[159]. Carl Henriksson Horn (1550‑1601), serving with his father, Henrik Klassen Horn, at this time. He was to serve Sigismund and Karl, to be governor of Reval, and died of wound received at the battle of Pernau.

[160]. Russow, pp. 143‑44. This concluded a notorious scandal. In 1570 Tiesenhausen had discovered that his sister Barbara was pregnant by a handsome and well‑educated commoner, and that she wanted to marry him. So he had sewn her into a sack and drowned her.

[161]. See Russow, p. 142. "Paul Juusten's Mission to Moscovy," pp. 85‑89, shows how radically Ivan's behavior could change. Juusten was first subjected to house imprisonment for over a year and then treated to a lavish banquet and given a personal handshake before being allowed to return to Sweden; an imperial legation went to Moscow in 1572, but its purpose was unclear. Nuntiaturberichte, (3rd), VI, 430‑32.

[162]. Jürgen Farensbeck (1551‑1602) of Nelffi was a noble from Ösel who subsequently led the Swedish forces until 1580, then served under the Polish king, Stephen Batory. Russow, pp. 128, 142; Editiones, XX, 67, with Batory's safe‑conduct; and Schiemann, "Jürgen Farensbach, ein Bild baltischen Kriegerlebens," Charakterköpfe, pp. 49‑76. The practice of hiring German troops to serve in Russia was an old one, remarked upon in the 1520's by Sigismund von Herberstein, Notes from Russia (trans. by R.H. Major. Hakluyt Society. rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1968), pp. 62f., 72. Staden, pp. 66, 68‑70, says that a foreign commander was given a house to live in, though after the fire he received only a plot of land and money for building, and that escape from Russia was exceedingly difficult.

[163]. So powerful were the enemies to the south of Russia, that the possibility of a grand alliance against Ivan IV was considered seriously at this time. Devlet Guirey was then Khan of the Crimea. Staden, pp. 76‑77, 103. But so little was known about the Persian Kingdom that a papal legate asked specifically if it bordered directly on Russia, which it did not, Possevino, p. 30; Ivan, for his part, supposedly contemplated a great Christian alliance against the Turks, which would serve as a cover for an alliance with the emperor against Poland, Kruse, pp. 253‑54; for information on the large forces permanently stationed to the south of Moscow, see Fletcher, pp. 71‑80. Denis Shaw, "Southern Frontiers of Muscovy, 1550 ‑ 1700," Studies in Russian Historical Geography, vol.1 (ed. James Bates and K.A. French. New York: Academic Press, 1983), pp. 119‑126, and Richard Hellie, Enserfment and Military Change in Muscovy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971). Also Massa, pp. 18‑20.

[164]. This exaggerated fear of Ivan's ambitions is typical of western political commentaries for centuries to come. Ivan's plans were limited to Livonia and were not being easily attained even there.

[165]. Knyszgn near Bialystock, his favorite castle. He left no direct heirs. Soon afterward Ivan offered the kingless Poles peace, promising to give them Smolensk if they would abandon their part of Livonia. Nuntiaturberichte, (3rd series), VI, 188.

[166]. Russow, p. 143, gives 80,000 men. The story gets better with repetition.

[167]. Maliuta Skuratov, one of Ivan's favorites in the Oprichnina, died in the attack. Among Ivan's commanders was Ivan Petrovich Shuiski, whose father had led the first invasion in 1557 and whose son Andrei was to become a prominent general.

[168]. Tilmann Brakels Christlich Gesprech von der großen Zerstörung in Lifland durch den Muscowiter u.s.w. (reprint: Dorpat: Laakmann, 1890).

[169]. samt andern Männern und Gesellen. Gesellen, here, "fellows," is included merely to provide a rhyme with stellen in the following line and has not been translated.

[170]. Russow, pp. 143‑46.

[171]. Russow, p. 147; rumors reaching the imperial court reported victories and another siege of Reval. Nuntiaturberichte, (3rd), VI, 353.

[172]. Fabricius, pp. 479‑80. Maria Vladimirovna was then thirteen. Ivan had murdered her parents and a sister in 1569. See Horsey, pp. 170‑71, for details of the marriage.

[173]. Ivan's eating habits are described in Rude and Barbarous Kingdom, pp. 26‑27.

[174]. Proverbial, wenn der Himmel voller Geigen, "whenever heaven [was] full of violins." Schlichting, pp. 254‑55, has similar comments about Ivan's banquets and ceremonies.

[175]. Fletcher, pp. 110‑19, is equally uncharitable about the Orthodox priests. See Kurbsky, pp. 247‑285, for Ivan's oppression of the church.

[176]. Henry of Valois (1551‑1589), whose candidacy rested largely on the assumption that he could persuade his brother, King Charles IX, to support Poland against the Hapsburgs. He was elected May 9, 1573, and crowned February 15, 1574. He willingly accepted greater restrictions on royal authority than his predecessors had ever granted. Almut Büs, Die hapsburgische Kandidatur für den polnischen Thron während des Ersten Interregnums in Polen 1572/73 (Wien:VWGÖm 1984) shows that Livonians and most Lithuanians had worked to have a Hapsburg elected king. That would guarantee Lithuania equality with Poland and provide military leadership against the enemies on the eastern and southern frontiers.

[177]. Three thousand Scottish infantry had been raised. James Dow, Ruthven's Army in Sweden and Estonia (Stockholm, 1964). Their Calvinist zeal soon made them unwelcome guests. In March they rioted against the German mercenaries and were massacred. Russow, pp. 148‑52; Staden comments, p. 62, "this affair pleased the Russians in the castle very much and served them well."

[178]. Horsey, pp. 182‑84, notes that Ivan held prisoner twenty‑five Scots and three Englishmen. Horsey persuaded Ivan to take them into his service against the Tatars. He intimates that twelve hundred foreigners served in this army.

[179]. If he stayed, the twenty‑three year old king had to marry the fifty‑three year old princess, Anna. If he left, he would become king of France. He fled June 28, leaving the Poles with a constitutional crisis.

[180]. (1520‑1585). A competent officer who had come to Poland with Henry of Anjou. After Henry's flight he left Polish service and went to Sweden as a mercenary. In October 1576 he was the Swedish ambassador to the imperial court in Nuremberg, Nuntiaturberichte, (3rd), I, 41; he proceeded on to Rome to discuss possible compromises which would permit reunion of the churches.

[181]. Russow, pp. 157‑58.

[182]. Russow, pp. 158‑59.

[183]. Russow, p. 161. Norbert Angermann, "Pernau in den Jahren 1575‑1582," ZfO, 19 (1970), pp. 744‑51.

[184]. Russow, p. 161. Magnus II of Sachsen‑Lauenburg (1543‑1603) had closer connections to Sweden than to his homeland. He had been reared at the Swedish court at the suggestion of the Queen Mother, Katharina of Sachsen‑Lauenburg, to save his bankrupt father expenses and in 1568 married his cousin, Sophia of Sweden (1547‑1611). A member of Johan's party, he had helped in the deposition of Erik and now was rewarded with the fief of Sonnenburg. Failing to establish himself on Ösel at this time, he journeyed to Ratzeburg and raided Danish territory in hopes of persuading Frederick II to buy him off with Ösel.

[185]. His sister Anastasia had been Ivan's first wife. He died in 1585. His grandson founded the Romanov dynasty.

[186]. Yuria Tokmakov. See below.

[187]. Wappenbuch, p. 212.

[188]. August 10.

[189]. His uncontrolled brutality extended even to his wife, Sophia of Sweden, who refused to accompany him back to Germany. In 1588 he was imprisoned by his brother and held in the Ratzeburg prison until his death fifteen years later. ADB, XX, 73.

[190]. He had been promoted to castellan of Vilna in 1574.

[191]. The Polish forces were too weak to resist. Stämmler, p. 55.

[192]. The Livonians wanted Maxilimian to succeed the late Sigismund Augustus. Lenz, pp. 72‑75. The vast majority of electors demanded a king of Polish blood. There was no suitable candidate, but they kept looking rather than accept any German. Finally they settled on an Hungarian, Stephen Batory.

[193]. In 1572. Hans Koblenzl Prosseck and Daniel Printz of Buchau. Printz made a detailed report of their reception to the emperor.

[194]. Oderunt quem metuunt.

[195]. I.e., Taube and Kruse.

[196]. Non virtutis amore, sed formidine poenae. Horsey, pp. 173‑180, elaborates on Ivan's reign of terror, attributing the lack of resistance to the want of a leader. Other Englishmen marveled at Russian loyalty. Rude and Barbarous Kingdom, pp. 29‑30. Some historians believe that Ivan's madness was real but exaggerated by his enemies. S.F. Platonov, Ivan the Terrible (trans. Joseph Wieczynski, introduction by Richard Hellie. Gulf Breeze, Florida: Academic International, 1974).

[197]. Kurbsky is even more hyperbolic in his denunciation of Ivan's terror, pp. 287‑95, blaming it mainly on drunkenness.

[198]. Tuulse, Die Burgen, pp. 195‑200, 274‑85, indicates that these key fortresses were out‑of‑date in an era of siege artillery, but were still formidable. Vickel, p. 121, was little more than a tower surrounded by wood and earth walls. Lode, p. 256, depended on water filled moats (which would not be very effective in January), and Leal's fortifications were three hundred years old, pp. 72‑73.

[199]. quasi re bene gesta. Bonus animus in re mala dimidium mali.

[200]. Yuria Tokmakov, governor of Pskov. The desperate defense of that city from Polish attack saved Ivan from total disaster in 1581.

[201]. Stephen (1533‑1586) had been a famous warrior under the command of Janos Zapolya in Transylvania. In 1571 he became prince of Transylvania and, under the patronage of Zamoyski, king of Poland. His marriage to Anna following his election was important to his possessing power. Because many nobles and burghers feared a strong king, he needed as many traditional trappings as possible to persuade them that he would continue ancient traditions. Etienne Batory, Roi de Pologne, Prince de Transylvanie (ed. J. Dabrowski. Cracow, 1935).

[202]. Anna (1523‑1596) was a Protestant, the sister of Sigismund Augustus. She was often ill, given to religion and acts of charity, loved court life, and beyond the age of childbearing. In short, she had little in common with the active Batory. Nevertheless, they treated one another with respect and became a model royal couple.

[203]. Ut oculus videat et auris audiat, Deus facit utrumque.

[204]. Eius singula verba fere singula testimonia fuerunt, qui nihil curabat Italicas phantasias et Hispanicas pessolas manus. "Outspreading" is our conjectural translation of the Latin pessolas, which we connect with the medieval Latin noun pessulum, meaning an "extension." An example of his conversation is in Possevino, pp. 29‑30, regarding the political and military situation in Russia.

[205]. Rogo sedeat Illustritas vestra, si non satis est orare, ego volo imperare et mandare. Not knowing Polish, Batory commonly spoke in Latin.

[206]. The Latin has a word play involving caula and aula.

[207]. Non in caula sed in aula, et liber homo natus et educatus sum, neque antequam in has terras veni, mihi victus et amictus defuit, libertatem itaque meam amabo et conservabo. Deo volente, per vos in regem vestrum sum electus, vobis postulantibus et instantibus huc veni, per vos capiti meo corona est imposita. Sum igitur Rex vester, non fictus neque pictus, volo regnare et imperare, neque feram, ut mei meorumque consiliariorum sitis paedagogi, sed potius ita custodiatis libertates vestras, ne in abusum vertantur.

[208]. Conjecture for in dasselbe gemach bey den Wilckemuten. Kallmeyer, p. 16, is also uncertain of the last word. He suggests "officer", possibly from the Polish wielmozny.

[209].         Justitia, pietate, fide, belloque, togaque,

                haec aetas nullum Rex tibi habet similem.

[210].         Non valet hic Spitzhut, longe absit fictaque pluma.

                Fac tua quae sunt, noli contemnere Reges.

[211]. Alfonso of Ferrara, who had come to Cracow and impressed many with his generous spirit and overflowing treasury he promised to pay the national debt and pay the costs of running the country ‑ but he was too friendly to the Protestants.

[212]. Sigismund, born 1566.

[213]. Deus dat cui vult, et qui vicissim adimit cui vult.

[214]. Pilten and Courland were both neutral so that the attack was a violation of honor and threatened to bring the war into the land. This aspect of sixteenth century diplomacy may seem strange to our era of total war, but it is important to understanding Henning's narrative.

[215]. A description of the castle with pictures is in Tuulse, Die Burgen, pp. 41‑44.